Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 59-79)

RT HON DAME SIAN ELIAS GNZM, RT HON THOMAS GAULT DCNZM AND RT HON SIR KENNETH KEITH KBE

25 MAY 2004

  Q59 Chairman: Chief Justice and colleagues, welcome. Perhaps you would introduce yourselves?

  Dame Sian Elias: Thank you. I am the Chief Justice, and with me are Justice Thomas Gault and Sir Kenneth Keith. We are three of the five members of the New Zealand Supreme Court.

  Q60 Ross Cranston: I guess I am going to ask you the same question as I asked the Attorney. Do you envisage the job as being different now that you are in the Supreme Court as opposed to what you were doing in the Court of Appeal, or is it simply that in the Court of Appeal the pressure of work was such that you could not be as reflective as you might want to be? Do you see it as a stepchange in terms of the nature of the work?

  Dame Sian Elias: It is a court of general jurisdiction and not a constitutional court so that does not change. As the Attorney said, there are areas of New Zealand law which have not had effectively the benefit of second tier appeal, so I expect this will be a court with a sense of the scope and reach of the whole law, which is not something that a Privy Council has been able to have in relation to our law. So that will be a change. Also, as the Attorney said, the Court of Appeal has been a very busy intermediate appellate forum and that has led to some strains in terms of resourcing, so there are community expectations of the court which we will have to try to fulfil. Some of those are expressed in the legislation; others have been expressed during the process of putting the court in place; and one of those expectations is for raising the game.

  Justice Gault: I could perhaps add that, the way the jurisdictions fell in the courts in the past, in some civil case hearings there was virtually a right of appeal to the Privy Council and very few criminal appeals were accepted by the Privy Council, so the Supreme Court is likely to better sift the civil cases and focus on the more appropriate ones through the leave mechanism, and will hear more criminal appeals than the Privy Council did, so there are those differences.

  Q61 Ross Cranston: I guess it is appropriate to note for the record that in the Naomi Campbell case the other day a New Zealand case was cited; I think it was a five judge Court of Appeal case. So—how can I put this—it is not as though you need to lift your game, as it were, to have an influence in the common law world because your Court of Appeal has had that influence over the years with the quality of its judgments.

  Dame Sian Elias: I think that is true and I think some of the criticism that was voiced during the process, which has been fairly bruising, has been unfair in that connection. That was a bit of special pleading by particular interest groups to some extent.

  Q62 Ross Cranston: Could I just ask this question? I met Sir Kenneth many years ago when I was a graduate student and he was a professor at that stage. Do you anticipate that the Supreme Court might have more academics because of its nature? Is there any move towards that?

  Dame Sian Elias: We have been quite receptive to the appointment of academics. There have been a few appointed, I should not exaggerate—

  Q63 Ross Cranston: I should say that this is in a way a self-interest question!

  Dame Sian Elias: I understand that! There is no real impediment. We are, of course, in appointments looking for experienced people but you can gain experience in a number of different areas. All things being equal, the higher judiciary is likely to be staffed by people who have had substantial experience in the practising profession, but that does not exclude exceptional appointments, and Sir Kenneth is clearly an exceptional appointment.

  Q64 Ross Cranston: He is not going to comment! Some of my colleagues are going to ask about some of the mechanical issues, the Supreme Court as a corporate body and running the ship itself rather than having the Attorney General provide rations and so on, but can I just ask you a practical question? How much assistance will you have in terms of clerks or associates, or whatever you might call them?

  Dame Sian Elias: We each have a secretary and we each have a clerk, and in addition to that the Chief Justice has some administrative support—not lavish.

  Q65 Ross Cranston: And the clerk would be a recent graduate who would be there to help with legal research?

  Dame Sian Elias: Yes. Usually a graduate student progressing on to further education.

  Q66 Ross Cranston: Yes, because, until recently, the House of Lords did not have that sort of assistance.

  Dame Sian Elias: Yes.

  Q67 Chairman: Did you have some influence into the kind of building that you were going to use?

  Dame Sian Elias: No.

  Q68 Chairman: You had none?

  Dame Sian Elias: I would like to correct I am sure an inadvertent matter that the Attorney raised and that was that there had been judicial input throughout. In fact, there was no judicial membership of the Steering Committee. I declined an invitation to participate in it and one of the reasons is because of my view that communication between judiciary and the executive and Parliament needs to be formal and needs to be public and I was not prepared for the judiciary to participate in committee discussions in camera in a back room. So the judicial representation which I think the Attorney was referring to was one of the retired judges of the Court of Appeal, who accepted a personal appointment but was not representative of the judiciary, and another judge who was the President of the Law Commission, again without reference to the judiciary accepted appointment. What we did, however, when the working party came out with its report, was we responded formally after I had consulted my colleagues, and our concerns were matters such as institutional independence, fragmentation of the judiciary—because I think there is real risk in a country like ours where you do not have a Scotland issue, for example, that we should not set up a court that is off on its own but is part of the general judicial system—and also appointments because they had arisen. It was our strong contention that the stability of the judiciary had to be maintained and that really meant that, in the creation of a new court, the only safe way was to take senior members of the Court of Appeal, and there was quite a lot of criticism in public or of anxiety about the possibilities of political appointment. I think that was the solution eventually adopted by the appointing committee, and I think that diffused a lot of anxiety.

  Q69 Chairman: So your responses on some of these matters significantly influenced the decision-making by government and Parliament when it came to the legislation?

  Justice Gault: I think they did but it was through an open and formal process rather than through participating in a committee which was not an open forum.

  Q70 Chairman: And you did not have a concordat like our Lord Chief Justice which was not publicly arrived at but then became a public document?

  Dame Sian Elias: Well, there is nothing wrong with working something up as long as, in the end, it is laid open and transparent and people can comment on it.

  Q71 Chairman: Did you have a view about the issue which Lord Bingham has raised that the kind of courtroom which is appropriate should be partly based on experience in the House of Lords, and I suppose not unlike that of the Privy Council Judicial Chamber either, which is not a very grand sort of room. What have you finished up with? Something which suits the style that you have to produce for the court, or have you had the sort of fears that Lord Bingham has of being elevated like a criminal trial to some high judicial bench?

  Dame Sian Elias: We have had almost no judicial input into that and I have been concentrating on temporary accommodation because I think it might be preferable for us to be in temporary accommodation. The Supreme Court of the United States was in temporary accommodation for 100 years, and I think it is the mental freedom you are after more than the physical space as long as you have the facilities to do the job, including, say, the library facilities and so on. But we do have preference for a committee-style room because appellate argument is conducted like a seminar so we agree with Lord Bingham, but we are less anxious to get into our Gar's Mahal than perhaps the House of Lords understandably is, because after all they are already housed. We are not, yet.

  Q72 Chairman: And there is not a point to be made that this new court is no longer a part of the House of Lords, which is obviously not a factor.

  Dame Sian Elias: Exactly, so our reforms are really quite different.

  Q73 Chairman: Gar's Mahal comes from Sir Garfield Barwick who was the Attorney General and then became the Chief Justice, but a very shrewd operator, and got them a very good building with excellent facilities.

  Dame Sian Elias: Which shows that the separation of powers does not always work to the advantage of the judiciary. Our most effective Chief Justice was probably Sir Robert Stout, who had been a former Prime Minister and managed to achieve quite a lot too, but we do not have that pull any more!

  Q74 Peter Bottomley: Can you as the Supreme Court rule that an Act of Parliament is either unconstitutional or unjust?

  Dame Sian Elias: We can make declarations about compatibility with our equivalent of your Human Rights Act, not that that is legislatively conferred but it follows from the function being pursued but no, we have the same system that you have and indeed our legislation, as you are aware, affirms parliamentary sovereignty and the rule of law. Parliamentary sovereignty is a concept that has been developed by judges, by judicial determination, so this system is not going to give us the power to strike down legislation.

  Q75 Peter Bottomley: In any way, at any time?

  Dame Sian Elias: The New Zealand constitution, whatever it is, is not changed by this, just as the British constitution, whatever it is, would not be changed by the setting up of a Supreme Court—well, that is not quite right because you have the legislative dimension which will alter a bit, but I think Maitland and Bagehot—everyone—has always said that you cannot take a snapshot of the constitution of a country, it evolves, or you only have a snapshot but it evolves over time, and what the constitutional limits are has not really been explored recently in jurisdictions like mine or, indeed, in jurisdictions like yours, and we can all hope that we do not have ever to get there.

  Sir Kenneth Keith: Each time I come here and hear discussions about the sovereignty of Parliament I think of the paragraph that Lord Bridge included in his Factortame judgment in 1991 in which he said that in 1972 things happened and things changed and power went to Brussels, and so on. It is a very cautious and in some ways slightly confusing paragraph and I think probably deliberately obscure at times, but things do change, do they not, and the context in which a constitution works changes. In 1986 when our constitution was rewritten and the New Zealand Parliament finally repealed the 1852 New Zealand Constitution Act that had been passed here, all that the law-making provision said was "Parliament continues to have full powers to make laws for New Zealand", and that is a provision that can only be descriptive I guess, or declaratory, and now of course we do have, in terms of Ann Cryer's question, that reference to New Zealand's continuing commitment to the rule of law and the sovereignty of Parliament.

  Q76 Ross Cranston: There is an article by one of the many New Zealanders in academic life in this country about this clash between sovereignty and rule of law in section 3(2).

  Sir Kenneth Keith: Yes. Comparing the view of the one time Professor Wilson with mine, I still think, as Dicey said all those years ago, that if you tried to put those two things in the same sentence you would have real problems, but that is a matter that academics can argue about for a long time and like the Chief Justice, who I think was implying this, I trust the issue does not ever arise in a sharp way in New Zealand. I was really interested to see from a distance the debate that you had here about the inclusion of that very strong ouster clause in the Immigration Bill and the way in which the constitutional debate was carried on in public and resolved in public, and I would have thought very fortunately did not get into the courts, but you had, did you not, the robustness of exchanges between politicians and judges and so on.

  Q77 Ross Cranston: This Committee did a strong report.

  Sir Kenneth Keith: Yes, I saw that, and then I kept getting sent copies of speeches that various people were making, and I thought that was a very interesting and proper way in which constitutional debate should be carried on quite separately from what might have happened in the courtroom.

  Q78 Peter Bottomley: Do you appear in front of the New Zealand Parliament? And do you?

  Dame Sian Elias: I have only done it once since I became Chief Justice which is now five years ago, so it is not anything that I am very keen to do. I have put in submissions, however, to select committees on particular Bills and provided what the judiciary does is formal and open and able to be publicly disclosed I do not see problems in communication between the judiciary and the executive or the judiciary and Parliament. I think there is a variety of ways in which you can do it.

  Q79 Chairman: Do your colleagues do so, or other members of the judiciary, or is it quite rare for a personal appearance by a judge in front of a Committee like this?

  Dame Sian Elias: It is quite rare at higher court level and it would always be something I would expect to be co-coordinated through the Chief Justice. It would not necessarily be the Chief Justice who would go along; we would probably send somebody who has particular expertise in a particular area, but we do exercise judgment about that. We did not get involved at all in the decision whether appeals to the Privy Council should be abolished, because it was a judgment for the people of New Zealand to make. On the other hand, when it came to looking at how you would go about implementing that without undermining some fairly important principles, we felt that we should express our concerns about the way in which the appointments should be made, that sort of thing; the fragmentation of the judiciary.


 
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