Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 440 - 459)

WEDNESDAY 9 FEBRUARY 2005

MR JIM DRUMMOND, MS PAULINE HAYS AND MR RODNEY MATTHEWS

  Q440  Mr Havard: Other people will come on, later on, to questions about the economy itself and building the economy during this transition between the CPA and the project contract management office, and the whole of the dysfunctional problems that came from that as well and are still there. I just want to raise a couple of issues with you. Out of that overall programme then, as I understand it, the government makes various subventions to the different schemes and projects—I have a list of them here—of various millions of dollars from this fund, that fund or the other fund to do with the UN or the World Bank and so on. You were asked a question by one of the other committees about this, but could you now give us some sort of idea of exactly what the British contribution is, if you like, in monetary terms, to all of these different projects in terms of reconstruction? The estimates vary, do they not, between $15 billion from, I think, the US Aid assessment and then the World Bank made another assessment of $50-odd billion, so we have got this continuum which is huge. I know this is not an exact science, but what is the British contribution in all of this, and what is the assessment of what the cost is, in terms of what the international community needs to do?

  Mr Drummond: The main assessment was done jointly by the World Bank and the UN in August 2003 in preparation for the Madrid Donors' Conference. That came up with a total bill of $56 billion to be required over about four years, although it was not terribly precise on that. In the early stages of that they anticipated that most of the money would need to be grant aid; in the latter stages they expected the Iraqis' own resources to provide some of the investment, as indeed it should, and for the Iraqis to be able to borrow commercially once they had got rid of a large chunk of their debt, which they pretty much now have. So we then had the Madrid Conference which produced pledges of about $32 billion, of which the UK contribution was about $900 million. The DfID share of that was the majority, but there was also money through QIPs which went from the Treasury to the Ministry of Defence.

  Q441  Mr Havard: What sort of order of magnitude was that?

  Mr Drummond: I think £30 million, so about $50 million. And some money that went through the Foreign Office, largely to pay for experts who worked with the Coalition Provisional Authority.

  Q442  Mr Havard: You see, the Foreign Affairs Select Committee will have a slightly different take on this, but what I saw on the ground, and I continue to see, is military personnel doing things they should not have to do, with resources they have not got, and very often they are doing all these quick impact projects, and all the rest of it. They are making up for deficiencies in the flow of the money. We will come on to questions in relation to the disbursement of money later on, but the question was asked earlier on about power and water, and all this sort of stuff. We asked this question last week of some of the military personnel. When we were in Basra in May, we were told that there were all these projects doing great things with the water supply, sewerage and all the rest of it—great—but when we go back in December, we get there and they say: "Oh yes, that was all mighty fine but that money has now been diverted off (stolen, in my opinion) from one budget to another budget, from doing that job into security sector reform." So one of the things that we certainly have got an interest in is in the British sector. These things are obviously not mutually exclusive, are they—the security and getting people running water and sewerage and all the rest of it. If we are disbursing this money into these funds for particular purposes related to our priorities of reconstruction in the south, how come I see that situation?

  Mr Drummond: Rod can take you through some of the projects which came to a conclusion on the Emergency Infrastructure side during the time between your visits. I think that your reference to money being diverted is a reference to the change that the Americans made with their budget, and what they did was to take some of their supplemental money and shift it from infrastructure programmes—water and power projects, largely, which were due to start in 2006—and to bring that money forward and spend it instead on security. My judgment is that it is less an issue about moving that money around than an issue about how you actually get the programmes going in the south, having the capacity there to deliver them on the US side.

  Q443  Mr Havard: Maybe I am straying into someone else's question later on about the disbursement of the money, but what I am trying to get at is that you say you have a list of priorities—and rightly so and good and fine—and then you make those decisions but that is against the background that it is in the context that you are not going to put that money in there because you know the supplemental money is coming from the US to do that job, and then all of a sudden it is not. It is this point about the plan making contact with the enemy and it starts to fall to bits. I am beginning to wonder who the enemy is, in some of these things. Have we adjusted priorities to take account of that?

  Mr Drummond: We have adjusted priorities. In fact, what we have done in the last month (in fact, following the visit in December) is to appraise the new programme in which £30-£40 million will be spent on infrastructure, largely electricity in the south, because we see this—

  Q444  Mr Havard: Water?

  Ms Hayes: It will include water. Precisely for the reasons you identified, we expected the US PCO projects to come on stream quicker than they did. I do not know whether there are going to be more questions about this but it has been slower than we would have liked, for a number of reasons. So, at the end of last year, we had hoped that we could edge out of the emergency infrastructure work and get on with longer-term capacity building business, which is what we are in. We recognise we cannot do that; we cannot leave the south in the lurch either. So we have decided to reprioritise in the way you have suggested and are planning a new project over the next 12 months, of £30-£40 million, which will focus 75% on power sector repairs and maintenance work in the south across all four governorates and 25% will be water and sanitation. And that should keep us going while we continue to lobby hard and work a way to get the US delivering on the ground and other donors as well. We have to recognise that they face a lot of the same problems that we do with security constraints and other practices as well, which I think you will know of.

  Mr Drummond: Can I ask Rod to say something about the Emergency Infrastructure Programme, because there is an implication that nothing happened, and I think that is perhaps—

  Q445  Mr Havard: I was not trying to imply that nothing was happening.

  Mr Matthews: The Emergency Infrastructure Programme (EIP as it became known) was identified in about August of 2003, was approved for partial funding by DfID in September and the team was mobilised in September to initiate the programme. The total programme was $127 million; there were 40 projects, covering the essential services of electricity, water (both urban and rural) fuel stations and fuel distribution, sanitation and domestic gas supplies. The DfID grant to CPA south was £20 million, which equated to roughly $34 million, and the balance of the funding came from the Development Fund for Iraq. There were two separate approvals made by Ambassador Bremer in Baghdad. The details of the schemes, if you would like us to give you some highlights, are that on the electricity side five 10-megawatt power stations were constructed in the south, which are diesel powered, one 40-megawatt power station was constructed in Al Muthanna province, which is gas-fired and 2,000 kilometres of 132Kv high-voltage lines were replaced. The distribution networks and sub-stations were reinforced in Basra and, also, in a number of the other Governorates. On the water side, 120 kilometres of new distribution mains were installed in Basra, mainly using manual labour rather than mechanical—

  Q446  Mr Havard: I think this is the point. I am interested in the catalogue of things, and I am not trying to suggest that a lot of things are not done and were not done and that the Brits were not trying their best to do it. This is the whole point. When we were there we saw military personnel working alongside civil personnel deployed out there from water companies in Great Britain; there were TA officers and all sorts of people, getting on and doing, but very often getting on and doing against a background which was not helping them, effectively. It is this question about how you have to constantly switch priorities. It is all very well making priorities sitting in London and then you have got different priorities happening on the ground and it changes. What I was trying to get at is that we can say we are going to spend X amount of money, but X amount of money might be the wrong amount or the right amount—I do not know—and you will not know until you actually go and do it. The point is we were employing Iraqis; there were, effectively, people digging holes with shovels where you might be better off using a JCB and do ten guys out of work, but it was better to have them in work. So security goes hand-in-hand with reconstruction. We understand all that, and really what I think we are trying to get at (and the quality of the distribution of the money we will come on to later on) is this question about how these sorts of priorities are decided and how DfID, in the context of everything else, can actually shift and move and deal with the priorities that it says it has got for the money that we are actually contributing.

  Mr Drummond: On the Country Assistance Plan, when we prepared it, we talked to Iraqi ministers about it, we talked to Bremer about it and we talked to NGOs about it. We did it in a couple of months, which is much quicker than some of these things often take. It was a consultative process and we did realise, when we did it, that we had to be flexible and change plans. We have kept the three broad priorities that I outlined to you and I think those still feel right. We will need to talk to the new Iraqi Government about them when they come in.

  Q447  Mr Viggers: Press reports about the way in which funding has been applied in Iraq have been very critical, and the Coalition Provisional Authority's own Inspector General's report could scarcely be more critical—it is utterly damning. It says: "The Coalition Provisional Authority provided less than adequate controls . . . The Coalition Provisional Authority did not establish or implement sufficient managerial, financial and contractual controls to ensure that . . . funds were used in a transparent manner." There are references to money which has not been accounted for. What is DfID doing to ensure that money which is currently being spent is properly accounted for and that money provided to the interim Iraqi Government is properly accounted for?

  Mr Drummond: Could I just say, on those press reports, they referred to (at least the ones that I have seen) the very early stages after Saddam's regime fell.

  Q448  Mr Hancock: Up to six months.

  Mr Drummond: And they referred to money that was used to pay Iraqi public sector workers. As lots of the banks were trashed and lots of government records were trashed, it was extremely difficult for the people who were doing that. Had they not made payments to Iraqi public servants then there would have been lots of other problems as well. It is good, however, that this has been audited and coming out, and the lessons should be learned from it. On the UK side, we are not providing money straight through the Iraqi budget. We might at some point aspire to that, if they needed it (which we hope they will not), but we do not do that unless there are sufficient audit trails in other governments' systems, and we are not at that stage with the Iraqi Government. Most of their government expenditure is funded from oil revenues and we should not need to be subsidising that. So our money is going through UN/World Bank systems, where they have their own auditing responsibilities, and it is going through DfID systems. The programme that Rod talked about had clear audit trails. So I am pretty confident that we are using the right systems for monitoring the expenditure of UK money.

  Q449  Mr Viggers: In a Parliamentary answer the Minister, Mr MacShane, said: "In the period up to 28 June 2004 up to six UK Government officials, and a team of professional contractors employed by the UK Government, provided financial administrative support to Iraqi Ministries and offices in Baghdad, Basra and the northern Governorates." Are UK officials who are seconded working entirely within the Iraqi organisations or do they report back to the UK Ministries from which they are seconded?

  Mr Drummond: That refers to people who were working with the CPA?

  Q450  Mr Viggers: Yes.

  Mr Drummond: So they were part of the occupation authority rather than any Iraqi Government authority.

  Q451  Mr Viggers: Yes. Do they report back to UK Ministries or are they working entirely within the provision government?

  Mr Drummond: They would have reported back to UK authorities. Their main chain of command was within the CPA, as I recall it.

  Q452  Mr Hancock: Can I ask a question which goes back to my original question? You work in Basra operating in those four distinct Governorates there. What access did you have to Iraqi money? Were you satisfied that there was enough of the national resources that belonged to Iraq going to where you were working? I cannot understand why they did not back the priority of getting the power on as the first significant step to giving people the security they wanted.

  Mr Drummond: The Development Fund for Iraq that Rod mentioned in the context of the Emergency Infrastructure Programme is, in fact, Iraqi money from oil revenues and from frozen assets. So during the CPA days the CPA was spending Iraqi Government money.

  Q453  Mr Hancock: Were you getting a fair share of that? Was it being controlled by the Americans?

  Mr Drummond: We had a reasonable share of that in the south, and the Emergency Infrastructure Programme that Rod described included £20 million of UK money but it leveraged £60 million of Iraqi money. So that it was a jointly funded programme.

  Q454  Mr Hancock: So £20 million of English money only levered out 16 million?

  Mr Drummond: Sixty million, and the CPA South had quite a large amount of DfID money in addition to that.

  Mr Matthews: Yes, another $75 million.

  Q455  Mr Hancock: Do you think you were badly ripped off in the early days?

  Mr Matthews: I was not there in the early days.

  Q456  Mr Hancock: Do you think you were ripped off by the contractors that you employed?

  Ms Hayes: No.

  Mr Drummond: No. Why do you not describe briefly the tendering process?

  Mr Matthews: One of the points I was going to make about the Emergency Infrastructure Programme was that it was managed jointly by representatives from the Iraqi Directorates, the Provincial Councils and the Multi National Division South East and the Board was chaired by the Regional Coordinator, CPA (S). The process of all stages of the project cycle were in fact overseen by this board or reported to the board. The board took informed decisions about approving schemes on the funding and, also, the policy that was going to be adopted for procurement. We always had competitive tenders. In some cases the contracts were for supply items which could only be sourced from outside Iraq, but this was generally within the region—things like generators and pipes. In terms of the works contracts, these were awarded to local firms following competition from selected firms, normally six to seven contractors. Estimates were prepared independently of the cost of works and a comparison was made between those confidential estimates for the price that would be received by the contractors. Based on that, I believe value for money was secured in all cases.

  Q457  Mr Hancock: You said each of these had an audit trail?

  Mr Drummond: Yes. Certainly the CPA contracts were subject to internal audit.

  Q458  Mr Viggers: I wonder if you would care to comment on the scrupulous process you have just described in terms of competitive tender with the $4 billion contract that was given without competition to Halliburton, a company that was once chaired by Vice President Dick Cheney? Would you like to comment on the comparison between the scrupulous system you have just described and that bid?

  Mr Matthews: I do not think—

  Q459  Mr Hancock: You were representing the British Government at that stage. This is a very important question. If we really were in a coalition then the British Government should have been able to exercise some concern over that. I want to know whether your department said anything about what was going on. Here we are, meticulously going down to the nth dollar in contracts here but $4 billion gets put across with no competition and it would appear the British Government just acquiesced to that.

  Mr Drummond: As I recall, this was American Government money and American Government procedures.


 
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