Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 500 - 519)

WEDNESDAY 9 FEBRUARY 2005

MR JIM DRUMMOND, MS PAULINE HAYS AND MR RODNEY MATTHEWS

  Q500  Richard Ottaway: That I know but is anyone going to invest?

  Mr Drummond: Is anyone going to put their own capital in?

  Q501  Richard Ottaway: Yes.

  Mr Drummond: Obviously there are a number of constraints to that on the security side. There are a number of things that have been done to free up the economy that I described earlier that will make it easier for investment. Having an elected government will be helpful in that respect. Having Iraq's debt dealt with sensibly will be helpful because if you are investing in Iraq you have to make sure you get your money out. If Iraq does not have a huge debt burden, that will be easier. The tax system has been simplified. The crucial bit of this is security.

  Q502  Mr Viggers: If any government has a substantial source of revenue from one area like oil, there is a tendency for that government not to need the taxpayers of its own country. There are examples around the world where oil rich states are run by a small clique or family and there is less need for democracy than there would be in an economy which is more widely based. There are social and political reasons for broadening the economy as well as economic reasons. What do you see as the main inhibitions, the main things that prevent the development of a vibrant and local economy, employing local people, local entrepreneurs? Are you able or any of the people with whom you are in contact able to encourage Middle Eastern money perhaps and money from areas other than the western democracies to invest in Iraq?

  Mr Drummond: As DfID, our main business is with the donor community. We have a programme in Basra, the Governorates Capacity Building Programme which includes the promotion of local business. The Foreign Office and the DTI will have an interest in trade promotion and investment promotion in Iraq. We see our main role as trying to encourage the Iraqis to establish systems that will be helpful to get the playing field level and right. Your points about oil revenues and the funding elites I entirely agree with. One of the priorities throughout this process has been to get an auditing process into what is done with oil revenues. That is what the International Advisory and Monitoring Board has been doing: auditing what has been done with Iraq's oil revenues. We would like to see that process continue. Democratisation is part of this process too. If a government has to present a budget to its parliament, there is some transparency about where the money is going, particularly if it is audited afterwards. Our emphasis has been to get the economic ground rules right, to get some supervision into the way the country's budget runs. It has been less about working around the Middle East, to encourage investment, but the FCO has done bits of work on that and other organisations have as well.

  Q503  Mr Viggers: Was there not a strategy that Iraq's oil revenues were to go into a special, earmarked development fund rather than simply to finance central government activities? Is oil revenue being used for development purposes or is it going direct to government funding?

  Mr Drummond: Oil revenue goes into the development fund programme and has done since Security Council Resolution 1483. That money is being used to pay Iraqi public sector salaries and some is going into investment. The programme that Rod was talking about for emergency infrastructure was partly funded by the Development Fund for Iraq. Yes, this has happened.

  Q504  Mr Viggers: You have talked about things that are happening to encourage entrepreneurism and a vibrant economy and so on. Would you look at it from the other point of view? Can you identify any particular problems or road blocks that prevent the development of that locally based economy? What are the major problems?

  Mr Drummond: There is an economic reform agenda. I have described what has been done. There are quite a lot of issues that still have not been tackled. We have not had a conversation about electricity in detail but one of the issues there is that electricity is provided virtually free. If you were a private sector investor thinking of building a power station you would be worried about where your money was going to come back from. You might get a contract with a government which says it will just pay you for this but you would really want to have money collected because you were selling electricity. The same applies to fuel. The same applies to other utilities. The same applies to food. Food is virtually free to the Iraqi population. It is funded by oil revenues largely, but is this a sensible way for the long term to get a market economy going? No. There need to be reforms and we and others are working with the Iraqi administration to try to sequence those reforms in a sensible way because if you tackle them head on too quickly it is going to be destabilising.

  Q505  Mr Cran: On Iraqi involvement in reconstruction, you recognise that the Iraqis have to be involved in reconstruction. Your own development goal says, "an inclusive Iraqi-led reconstruction." The question is how much reality there is behind that. On our last visit, we met the Basra Governing Council and questions had been allocated before. One answer was, "No, we are not sufficiently involved in the decision taking process about where money is spent and so on around Basra." How much reality is there to Iraqi involvement in these fairly key decisions?

  Mr Drummond: At the Baghdad level, the Minister of Planning chairs a board which approves donor projects. There is a set of issues about how the Iraqi Government works together and how the links between the line ministry, agriculture or electricity and the Ministry of Planning, work. One of the things we have been trying to do at the centre of government is help to establish Cabinet Committee structures so that these things can be properly talked about across government. There is a structure there. Is it working perfectly? No, not yet. Are people trying to make it work better? Yes.

  Mr Matthews: There are two main programmes. There is the Emergency Infrastructure Programme and that was managed by a board. The board included the heads of each of the utilities and the water authorities and a representative from the provincial councils. In that respect, we had good local representation in the decision making process. On a number of occasions, particular projects were MoDified to reflect the debate that took place at those board meetings. The other part of the funding which was the development fund for Iraq that was coming from the CPA in Baghdad was about $75 million-worth. Those projects were identified normally at the governorate level across the provinces. That was always done in consultation primarily with the provincial councils and with the local directorates. I believe that there was a good degree of local input to the decision making process. The sort of situation that could have led to the comment that you heard in your visit to Basra relates to funding that has been approved at Baghdad level by the Ministry, where there were examples occasionally under the US supplemental, for example, of particular school projects and there had not been the degree of consultation with the school headmaster, the pupils and so on that one might like to have seen. These were isolated cases. In the majority, there was good consultation. There are always people who will argue that the money should not be spent on this but should be spent on that but generally there was a majority consensus that this is the way we have to go with this particular programme.

  Q506  Mr Cran: There is a consultative process whereby private individuals representing people can put their views over but you did not consult the Basra Governing Council, in your case, formally?

  Mr Matthews: No. There was a representative from the provincial council on the board. He would relay the deliberations of the board and bring to the board the deliberations of the Council on any particular component of the programme.

  Q507  Mr Cran: Was that individual representing the views of a number of governing councils or just Basra?

  Mr Matthews: He would represent Basra and similarly, occasionally, we would have people coming from Al Muthanna and Dhi Qar and Maysan but because of the distance they could not attend that frequently.

  Q508  Mr Cran: Based on what they have said to us, perhaps the consultation that you had was not good enough. There is no doubt that it was there.

  Mr Matthews: I am talking about the period up until the end of June when we went under the CPA regime.

  Ms Hayes: I described earlier the donor coordination group which is now chaired by the Iraqis. It is a mechanism to try and ensure that donors are on track and in line with Iraqis' needs and priorities. That is a formal coordination mechanism with an overview. We have to be careful in dealing with the four Iraqi governorates because they do not see themselves as a region. They each report to Baghdad. They are silos really. Getting them together is good and we need to do all that coordination but we have to handle it sensitively because their reporting lines are up to Baghdad. As a coordinator, you can coordinate to a certain extent but you cannot say, "This governorate ought to work with that governorate". In terms of project levels, everything we do is precisely in line with the goal you describe. It has to be Iraqi led. Whatever project management mechanisms we put in place, there has to be some evidence that the Iraqis are not only consulted at the start but are involved throughout. That is good development practice and we try to put that into practice in whatever we do. I would not deny though that doing some of this work in Iraq is extremely difficult. If I was working in Lesotho or somewhere, my ability to talk to my government partner or someone in civil society would be much easier than trying to do it in the Iraqi context. The relationships and the consultation of necessity tend to be rather more formal. I cannot just get in a car and go to see them and they cannot get in a car to come and see me.

  Q509  Mr Cran: Maybe it is force majeure. Maybe it is for the very reasons you have given. Maybe this is forced upon us but it does sound terribly top down rather than bottom up and maybe that is what led to the comments from the Basra Governing Council.

  Ms Hayes: History will show that the relationships are changing. That was only based on us being the occupying power. We are not in that category any more. We have gone out of our way to stress that we are now development partners, listening to them, responding to their needs etc. And that has required a shift in the way we operate and for others to recognise that shift.

  Q510  Chairman: I would like to ask a couple of questions on the relationship between DfID and the US military. I look for elucidation from the exchange you had, Mr Drummond, with Mr Worthington. I must confess I did not come away from that reeling with any greater knowledge of what the connection was between DfID and the US. It seems pretty obvious to me that the cooperation between the MoD and DfID in Telic was quite good but it does not seem to me that there has been, unless you can tell me otherwise, much cooperation between DfID and the US military. As the British government has said any future operations it will undertake will be with the United States, the scope therefore for greater collaboration between your organisation and the US military should be quite high because, if we are going on with anything like Iraq—I hope we do not unless it is exceptional—you will have to be working with the US. Therefore, we must fit in well with what the US wishes, does and what our Ministry of Defence does. Can you go on a little further than you went on with Mr Worthington and tell us what thinking there is, what action is being taken, if any, in how to operate in a US led military or other type of operation?

  Mr Drummond: In Iraq, we have not had to have a lot of contact with the US military because our agenda has been in the south, with the Iraqi central government strengthening, where we have worked very closely with the PCO and the US embassy but less with the US military. We have in recent weeks been providing assistance to the Iraqi government on how it should coordinate its relief effort for Fallujah which has required some contact with the US military. As you will know, for future cases, we are establishing a post-conflict reconstruction unit which we would expect to take the lead in the immediate, post-conflict stabilisation phase. I do not think we have an envoy from DfID to the US military about this but the PCRU will need to have contacts with the British military and other militaries as and when such operations might arise.

  Q511  Chairman: As we appear to be caught collective unprepared in the events after the ending of that part of military operations, has there been any thinking inside DfID that we might have to learn some lessons from what happened following that vacuum that was created, following the end of the war? Have you gone through any lessons to be learned?

  Mr Drummond: The lesson learning stuff has partly been about the creation of the post-conflict reconstruction unit.

  Q512  Chairman: That is key?

  Mr Drummond: That is key to the stabilisation phase, getting them to have the capacity that can do the business.

  Q513  Mr Havard: I have heard this new word "complementarity" and DfID ought to be part of this lesson learning process about the military post-conflict. Earlier on you said that they spend their money and we spend ours about the Americans. There have been a lot of questions about the hand-over period within the CPA and the project management of this so there are lots of lessons about doing something. Pauline was talking about it being easier in a more neutral environment where there is less of a security problem, so we have a doctrine about how we can do the development work in one set of circumstances and now we are in another. The International Development Act, as I understand it, some people would say means you should not be doing this. There is this thing about how you are related to or separate from the military and so on. There are some big doctrinal questions about the extent to which you are compromised by being seen because the question from Tony was, "What do you do about the aid coming behind the tanks and how much you are seen to be complicit with the military". There must be doctrine coming out from your point of view about how you operate in these sorts of circumstances in the future and I wonder what it is. General Jackson would say, "We fight with the Americans, not as the Americans." Does DfID behave as the British would behave, not as the Americans would behave?

  Mr Drummond: On the International Development Act, that gives us a clear purpose. What we do has to be to reduce poverty. That has to be our primary purpose. That is our primary purpose in Iraq as it might be in Lesotho or anywhere else. We have a number of debates with the military about issues such as humanitarian space where clearly there are a lot of sensitivities from the humanitarian community about how they become targets if they are too closely associated with the military. That has been a bit of an issue in Iraq but the number of international NGOs operating there now is small. The Iraqi Government is doing any humanitarian work it needs to now so we are not engaged in that. If humanitarian aid needs to be delivered, we have to find the best way of doing it.

  Q514  Mr Havard: Are you learning lessons about doing it in this particular context? A lot of these things are being US led in the future. The US military behaves in one way. Their reconstruction force, in the form of Mr Bremer either with his boots on or off, and the project management office have a different way of going on it would appear. What lessons are we learning about working together in other circumstances?

  Mr Drummond: The main vehicle for this is the post-conflict reconstruction unit. It is just being established at the moment. The US has a similar exercise led by the State Department and establishing the links between those two bodies will be the main way of taking this forward.

  Q515  Chairman: You mentioned the post-conflict reconstruction unit. What is the overlap between the post-conflict reconstruction unit and the Foreign Office's conflict issues group? Is there any overlap? Is it good old Whitehall confusion over structures or turf fighting? You must have a unit inside DfID with a title fairly close to the post-conflict reconstruction unit.

  Mr Drummond: We have a Conflict and Humanitarian Affairs Department. The three departments, the MoD, the Foreign Office and DfID have a joint interest in the Post-Conflict Reconstruction Unit. DfID is providing almost all of its running costs. The unit is just being established at the moment. There are still issues about how it will operate and interlink. Our aim will be that it does not duplicate but that it adds value. It may mean that some parts of the main departments can be wound down a bit.

  Q516  Chairman: It is very generous of your department to fund it. Do you have commensurate influence? Is it no taxation without representation? Is your department sharing it or are you having the lead role? Otherwise, why not pass the donations over to another department if they might have a bigger role?

  Mr Drummond: DfID will have a big role in this. It is part of my new role since I moved on from Iraq to look at this. The committee that is supervising the PCRU is chaired by Masood Ahmed who is one of our Director Generals.

  Q517  Chairman: We understand that the PCRU was to be included for the first time in the MoD's major computer simulated planning and execution exercise joint venture that took place at the beginning of December. Did any of you attend? Were you aware of it? What was the level of DfID's contribution to that? What lessons were learned from that exercise? If you cannot answer, perhaps you would drop us a note.[2]

  Mr Drummond: We had better drop you a note. The PCRU had very few staff at that stage but a couple of them did participate in that exercise. I think I am right saying that somebody from our conflict and humanitarian affairs department attended a bit of it.

  Chairman: It would be interesting if you could let us know.

  Q518  Richard Ottaway: One senses that the United Nations are being rather coy at the moment. Ms Hayes mentioned earlier on that they come in from Kuwait and retreat back to Kuwait. There is a role for them in political reconstruction and a humanitarian role. What role do they currently have and what role should they have?

  Mr Drummond: The United Nations have played a very important part in the political process, particularly in the running of the elections which, in the security circumstances, they have done extremely well. That political process will continue through constitution making, through referendum on the new constitution and then elections under that constitution. On the development side, we are very keen to see the UN fully engaged. We would like to see more UN staff permanently in Iraq. We understand their sensitivities about security and we are trying to help them with those.

  Q519  Richard Ottaway: How many are there at the moment?

  Mr Drummond: One or two in Baghdad and they have a security representative in Basra. They visit and they video conference. Is this what we need? We need more. They can do a bit of work from outside the country and they have about $600 million in trust fund from the UN side. They have now spent over $100 million so that is picking up quite quickly from where we were three or four months ago. They are delivering on the ground and they do have quite a lot of Iraqi staff.


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