Select Committee on Education and Skills Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 340-359)

27 OCTOBER 2004

MS JULIET LYON, PROFESSOR AUGUSTIN JOHN, MR TOM ROBSON, MR PAUL O'DONNELL AND MR JOHN BRENCHLEY

  Q340 Mr Gibb: Forty-seven per cent do not have those skills, is that right?

  Mr Robson: Yes.

  Q341 Mr Gibb: What percentage do not have those skills when they leave prison?

  Mr Robson: Again, I have not got any figure for that, but various incentives have been taken, not only within our education departments. For instance, it is no use having exceptional facilities for education when, because of inappropriate staffing, or whatever, they are not always fully operational. Again, I would turn to charitable organisations which are making use of prisoners' time in cells where they are teaching those basic skills. There is the Shannon Trust, Toe by Toe and others. I think that they are very useful, but unfortunately I cannot give you figures. I do not know whether any of my colleagues might be able to.

  Q342 Mr Gibb: The representative body of the prison officers in this country does not know how successful your reading teaching is in prison, is that what you are telling me?

  Mr Robson: We have no established way of being able to produce those figures.

  Q343 Mr Gibb: Why not?

  Mr Robson: We have not got the resources. We rely on the Home Office and the Prison Service to produce those kinds of figures.

  Q344 Mr Gibb: Is not that rather uncaring, that you do not give a damn really about how successful your teaching of reading is, in prison?

  Mr Robson: That might be an opinion that you have, but I can assure you that the Prison Officers' Association does give a damn and prison officers also give a damn. They work day in and day out trying to improve the lives of people who are sent to us.

  Q345 Mr Gibb: How do I know that though?

  Mr Robson: I know that because I have worked in this operation for 20-plus years. You would know that, I assume, by speaking to people such as myself and my colleagues in this forum, who will tell you that is a fact.

  Mr Gibb: If you do not have facts about the proportion of prisoners that leave unable to read, what is your—

  Chairman: Nick, I understand your line of questioning but even I, as Chair, would suggest that if anyone should know those figures it should be the Government or the Prison Service.

  Q346 Mr Gibb: Surely we can ask them too. I think people who work in prisons ought to know as well. Do you have a feel for the proportion of prisoners who leave unable to read? Sometimes does it go down?

  Mr Robson: I think that we have tried every which way. I think that our educationalists have tried, I think prison officers have tried and prison governors have tried. I could not sit here and say that we have had a magnificent impact but what I think I can say is that we have had a significant impact. There are many stories such as the anecdotal ones told by colleagues that I could relate to you, but I could not give you statistics.

  Q347 Mr Gibb: What about Juliet, do you have a feel for what proportion of prisoners leave prison unable to read?

  Ms Lyon: I know how many achieve basic skills, which I am sure you know too, because the Prison Service published in its Annual Report that the numbers achieved were 89,200 key work skills awards, which was nearly double the Prison Service target, and 41,300 basic skills awards. What is not quite so clear, and it is difficult, and this is partly the tangle of having KPIs which have to be met, is that there are figures given for the number who go into work, which we have challenged because they appear to relate more to people who have got job interviews set up for them rather than people who are known to go into employment. The calculation of how many are leaving prison with a qualification and going into work is not necessarily quite what it seems. We know essentially how many have interviews are established for them rather than how many go into work.

  Q348 Mr Gibb: In your experience of the Prison Service, is it your fear that, that 47% who enter, that goes down to, what, 25% when they leave who cannot read, or would you say it stays at round about 47%?

  Ms Lyon: To be honest, really I do not know. Given the length, as we said earlier on, the very short stays of half the population who are flying through so fast, logically very few of them are going to be able to change their literacy level in that period of time, or indeed in the series of short hits, because obviously very many of them are back in again for another short sentence. We know the reconviction rate averages out at 59%. If you look at the young offenders, the 18s to 20s, that goes up to almost three-quarters, 71%, at the moment, half of whom are going to be back in prison, so you are getting a series of short, interrupted periods in gaol where they might get an injection of education each time. In the current system, they might go right back to stage one.

  Q349 Mr Gibb: As custodians of the taxpayers' money, how do we assess the effectiveness of basic teaching in prison if we do not have any figures for the leavers?

  Ms Lyon: It has always amazed me that there are very few outcomes that you can actually check in a measurable way. One of the things about the movement of governors, to which the Chairman referred earlier on, is that it cannot increase your morale if you do not have any ability to determine whether your institution is succeeding. There is not any "per prison" set of figures for outcomes, so you do not know whether your prisoners leave and are less likely to reoffend than somebody else in a comparable gaol somewhere else in the country. That is partly because prisoners are moving around the system and partly because the nature of the record-keeping at the moment does not actually allow you to have that information. You will get a ballpark figure for age bands in the prison population but you will not get it tied to an establishment, so you will not know, as a governor, whether you are running a successful establishment, you will not know as head of learning and skills necessarily the kinds of outcomes which would help you feel that you were doing a decent job.

  Q350 Chairman: I am thinking of the parallel of added value. Those colleges and schools that were very angry, in terms of GCSE and O level results, where they were finding it difficult to show the wonderful added value that they brought to students who came in, say, at 11 and did wonderfully well although they did not reach the high scores in five GCSEs A to C, and so on, is there the possibility of having an added value score for a prison so that you can get a healthy evaluation?

  Professor John: I suppose it would be difficult to construct one. The lessons from schooling, I think, are pertinent here, in the sense that a measure of someone's progress might take account of the development of other social competences apart from academic learning as such, or the acquisition of literacy and numeracy skills, so that the individual might perform better as a social individual as a result of the quality of the mentoring they received from education staff, from other prisoners, from prison officers, so that their social competence is enhanced. There are ways of measuring that, in terms of a "before and after" scenario. Indeed, one of the recommendations we make in the "Time to Learn" report is that key performance indicators for education and training should be based on the progression of individual prisoner learners and not on absolute performance as measured by exam results. I think the key issue here is how are these performance indicators going to be constructed? I take the point behind your question, surely it must be sensible for prisoners to know that the progress they make on all other indicators or indices is acknowledged because it goes to the issue of their overall social competence.

  Q351 Chairman: Would it be sensible then to pay a prisoner as much to get an education as to do routine work in the workshops?

  Professor John: That again is one of the things we have noted. There should be an incentive for prisoners to access education and to see progress with an education plan being as important for them, in terms of their own incapacity, as for other things that they might want to do. Some prisoners, as you know, are having to juggle, or indeed give up, the opportunity to earn if they want to pursue education programmes, because of the way in which the whole thing is organised, and I think that element of it needs to be removed.

  Ms Lyon: What we found in the study was, one issue was about the financial incentive, and people have said to us, "Well, you know, outside in society people make a choice; if they want to go into further education it's going to cost them and they're going to have to lose other opportunities in order to pay for that one, or to gain access to that one". I do not think it is a relevant comparison, in that choice is not an issue in a prison really and money is not either, except that what little money you can earn, and it is just a few pounds, of course has an incredibly high value because that is all you have for your phone cards or whatever small things you are going to get from the prison canteen. We are not talking large sums of money. I think differential rewards for different sorts of work, particularly some of the more mundane workshop work, is a positive disincentive and it should be removed. I cannot see a justification for it. The other commodity that matters, and "Time to Learn" picked that up very clearly, was time, time out of cell, and levels of purposeful activity in a prison estate. For the last eight years the Prison Service has not been able to make its own KPI of a minimum of 24 hours a week purposeful activity per prisoner. In fact, in the last ten years, the increase in purposeful activity amounts to round about ten minutes per prisoner per day, that is the level of increase, which I think is a very stark way of thinking about what this influx of numbers has done. There has been a fantastic injection of hours of education, other opportunities, training, put into the Prison Service but it has been mopped up by the numbers, so the actual overall movement is fractional. I think, if you are making choices, as prisoners interviewed in "Time to Learn" found, between queuing up to make a phone call, getting a shower, going to the gym, going to worship, any of these sorts of things, if you are having to balance these sorts of things with trying to find a bit of time for education, that again is another disincentive.

  Q352 Mr Chaytor: I want to ask about key performance targets and ask first of all what the difference is between KPT and KPI, or are the terms interchangeable?

  Mr Robson: As far as I am aware, there is no difference at all between a KPT and a KPI, it is simply different terminology.

  Q353 Mr Chaytor: How are the key performance targets established? Presumably there is a global total established by the Home Office which is fed down into the regional offices of the Home Office which are then distributed to individual prisons. Do individual governors have some discretion over this or is a target simply imposed on them?

  Mr Brenchley: If I can answer that, on the basis of the recent conversations. I understand there are something like 43 key performance targets across the prison as a whole, of which a small number relate to the provision of education in its broadest sense. Those are split into skills for life, which are basic skills, in common parlance, and work skills, which have a definition of what kinds of qualifications are eligible to be counted towards these work skills. The good news, I suppose, going through the figures, is that prisons are doing extremely well and hitting those targets, but whether or not they were the right size in the first place, of course, is anyone's guess at the moment. I understand the process by which it works is a break down from national level, this is simply in terms of the two education targets, at regional level and then further down to institutional level, based on factors of which heads of learning and skills are not aware, necessarily, but they are something to do with the size of the prison and the number of prisoners going through. Certainly there is an element of opaqueness around the decision-making at the individual institutional level, as far as the feedback we have from the sector is concerned.

  Q354 Mr Chaytor: There is an issue around the sense of ownership of the individual prisons of these targets and the relevance of the targets to the size of each prison?

  Mr Brenchley: My understanding is that they are not negotiated, they are simply provided, and the prison does its best to meet them. As I say, that is the intelligence I have, through the sector.

  Q355 Mr Chaytor: Therefore, the consequence of that is, what does that say about the appropriateness of the targets and the way in which each prison can select qualifications to hit the targets?

  Mr Brenchley: If I can quote you an example from HMP Styal, in Cheshire, one of their arguments is that they have a number of repeat visitors, therefore somebody will get a key performance target at a particular level, a Level 1 or a Level 2, or whatever, and will achieve it and everybody is very pleased. They go away, they come back again, there are no key performance targets for them to attempt subsequently, so somehow they are less of a priority for a programme than they would have been had they been more able to contribute to a key performance target. There is definitely a skewing effect there.

  Q356 Mr Chaytor: Do you think it is the case that, given this phenomenon of churn and all this transfer of prisoners, presumably a prisoner can go to Styal, do their Level 1 qualification and contribute to the key performance target and then be shifted down to Holloway and do exactly the same again and count as a KPT for Holloway? Does that happen and, if so, how frequently?

  Mr Brenchley: I guess it could, because they might not even show up on any of the awarding bodies' records as the same person, for example, there would not be necessarily any reason. I know that one of the issues which affects a number of heads of learning and skills in particular is that somebody can do the bulk of their learning programme in one prison, they can be bumped off to another prison, they can pass the initial test at a particular level because they have done all the work somewhere else and it is the receiving prison which gets the credit for the KPT. I do not want to suggest that there is furore around the sector about all that, but certainly there is a kind of quiet resentment that one prison has done all the work and another has got the KPT.

  Q357 Mr Chaytor: It is fairly clear that this Stalinist, top-down approach to KPTs is wide open to manipulation and abuse, is it not? Would that be a fair comment? If I were running a prison, on the evidence of our visits and the evidence we have had here, I could think of at least 15 ways of manipulating the system to the advantage of my prison which was not necessarily in the interests of prisoners.

  Mr Brenchley: I think there is no doubt that pragmatism comes into play then and realism comes into play, and that is certainly the feedback we get from individual heads of learning and skills in particular, and then they say how they hope, within that pragmatic environment, to be able to respond to the needs of individual learners. At the moment it is a relatively new regime, it is a relatively new phenomenon, and I think they are still working it out in some way.

  Ms Lyon: Just a clarification. There are 19 KPIs set by the Prison Service and then the KPTs are refinements of those KPIs so that they are more detailed.

  Q358 Mr Chaytor: The KPIs are the broader-brush headings?

  Ms Lyon: Yes. The Service sets those in the business plan.

  Q359 Mr Chaytor: There are 43 KPTs?

  Ms Lyon: I think so. I have not got the figures, but there are 19 KPIs set and they are agreed and they are top-down, they are set centrally, but there are calibrations, as I understand it. There has been some shifting of targets done, based on acknowledging that particular groups would find it particularly hard. A clear example of that would be levels of assaults, for example, that you would expect because of a more volatile population in the young offender group, that you would have a higher assault rate in a young offender institution. Consequently, the expectations have been tailored to match that, to some extent, rather than requiring it to match adult prison.


 
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