Select Committee on Education and Skills Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 137-139)

MS LORRAINE DEARDEN, MS EMLA FITZSIMONS AND MS ALISSA GOODMAN

6 APRIL 2005

  Q137 Chairman: Can I welcome you and thank you very much for responding to our invitation. This will be the last sitting of the Committee in Parliament and this will be, I think, a session that the Committee has been looking forward to basically because there has been a great deal of confusion over the impacts of student finance and student funding both on the universities, on students and on the taxpayer. When we came across your report, we thought it shed a great deal of light on the situation and seemed to, some of it, correspond with the predictions that we had made two years ago in our report on repayable fees. Which of you would like to open up and just say a few words to introduce your report?

  Ms Goodman: Thank you very much for inviting us to come and talk about the report. As you say, what we did in our report was look at the three different parties' proposals for higher education funding from the point of view of taxpayers, universities and students and graduates and we tried to throw some light on the effects that different sorts of policies would have on each of those players in the system. First of all, we looked on aggregate at who the gainers would be under each of the different parties' plans and then who would pay for those gains because of course nothing ever comes for free; if one player gains, then somebody else has to pay for it. We, therefore, set out the fact that universities are set to gain both if the Government's proposals are fully enacted or if either the LibDem or Conservative proposals are put in place and we saw that student funding would rise by around 30% in real terms under all three parties. We saw that students would actually gain under all three sets of proposals as well both because of new grants and in some cases bigger loans for maintenance, so who pays for the gains differs between the parties and this was quite illuminating. We thought that under both the Conservative system where all tuition fees would be scrapped and no top-up fees would be introduced and under Labour's where of course tuition fees would be increased by the amount of the top-up fee, the cost would be split between taxpayers and graduates, so we put some numbers behind that. Under the LibDems' proposals, taxpayers would foot the whole bill. We pointed out that if universities needed further increases in funding per student in the future, so more than the initial plans allow for, or if you wanted to hold funding per student constant, but student numbers were to increase, then the costs would be shared between taxpayers and graduates under the Government's plans, but would be paid for entirely by taxpayers under the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats. Those were the kind of gainers and payers on aggregate. We set out what the different proposals would mean for student living standards and for student debt under all three sets of proposals and we pointed out that the amounts would provide a better standard of living for students compared to their counterparts today, but that they would still fall short under all three parties with the NUS cost of living estimate, so there would still be a shortfall. We worked out if, under the Government's proposals, students borrowed fully for their fees, what sort of debt levels we would imagine that students from different family backgrounds would end up graduating with and we have those set out in our report. Then we went on to estimate what those different graduating debt levels would mean for graduates across their lifetime earnings and in order to do that, we applied some quite new and innovative techniques to estimate future graduate earnings profiles and we are very pleased with the progress we made there. It is something where in the past we and others have tended to use just example graduates kind of made up or based loosely on wage data, but we came up with a much more robust set of future earnings profiles. We were able across the whole distribution of lifetime earnings both to compare graduates and non-graduates for a start and to try and shed some light on how much lifetime earnings are higher for graduates compared to non-graduates and also we pointed out that there is a wide distribution for earnings both for graduates and non-graduates over their lifetime, and it is by no means the case that all graduates earn more than all non-graduates, so we set out some new things about the earnings distribution. Then we went on to look at what the different earnings distribution would mean as to how long people ended up repaying their debts if they went to university and what the effective taxpayer subsidy would be from the subsidised loans under Labour and of course the Liberal Democrat proposals, but not under the Conservatives' as they would scrap all loan subsidies. Therefore, we have some ranges for different taxpayer subsidies depending on whether people have low, medium or high lifetime earnings, what parental backgrounds they come from and how much time they take out of the labour market, and there is quite a wide range of different taxpayer subsidies implied and we can talk maybe more about that, if you like. We also spent some time thinking about the private market for maintenance loans which the Conservatives' proposals would entail and we thought about the possible, what we would call, "adverse selection problems" which might be involved in a private market for student loans. We wondered whether banks would be able to offer a viable interest rate under that scheme just because we thought it would be a real risk that the type of students who might take out the maximum loan in the private market would be those who would be the least likely to pay it back and ones that the banks would have to end up writing off, or a considerable proportion of, after 25 years. I hope that provides you with a summary of what we have said.

  Q138 Chairman: Yes, fascinating. One of the interesting things, certainly which interested this Committee, was that when you are deciding in the Institute on where you are going to go next, what piece of research you are going to focus on, how do you come to choose a piece of research like this? What is the process where you say, "Ah, we think we really ought to look at this"? What are the criteria which guide your choice?

  Ms Dearden: I guess we have been writing on this issue now for about two or three years and the three of us did a report actually a year ago and we felt frustrated by the fact that all the parties were coming out with policies and on their example graduate, their policy was much better than the others'. We knew the limitation of our research in that we did not know how it applied across the whole distribution and it seemed like the interesting stories were not for the median person, but probably for those in the tail. Then Greg, who is not here, came up with this idea about how we might model this lifetime earnings distribution because he has got a background in finance and he had this clever idea and we sort of investigated it and then we applied to the Nuffield Foundation for funding to do it and convinced them that it would be an important bit of research before the election.

  Q139 Chairman: Certainly it shines a light on this because when we were looking at this before and as the process has gone on, people out there, many of them, do not understand the proposals at all and the impact on them and we were disturbed when the vice chancellors that we had before us four or five weeks ago suggested that there was a very large surge in student applications for this September because people were worried and perturbed about possible higher costs if they delayed it until September 2006 and the vice chancellors seemed to be suggesting that students by and large would be better off by deferring until 2006 rather than better off by going in in 2005. Were they right in that?

  Ms Goodman: I think that, as students, they would do better this year because they can benefit from the new grant at £1,500 and they do not yet have to pay later in life the top-up fee if they went to a university that chose to charge it.


 
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