Select Committee on Environmental Audit Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 440-454)

PAUL DAWSON, LOUIS REDSHAW AND CHARLES DONOVAN

12 JANUARY 2005

  Q440 Chairman: You are beginning to sound like a politician!

  Mr Dawson: With respect to the Contraction and Convergence thing, that was used as an illustration rather than us advocating that necessarily. Clearly it has consequences that can prove contentious.

  Mr Redshaw: Contraction and Convergence ideas are not completely parallel with ours and the first one is contraction. We do not suggest quite how the world or countries achieve and what objective they are looking for, we are saying that if you want to have an emissions reduction an efficient way to achieve that would be to have a convergence. But to say that we should have contraction in the first year is perhaps not seeing the full picture. The key here is inclusion of as many countries as possible and potentially some other mechanisms to incentivise that inclusion. It would not be a sensible negotiating standpoint for the UK government or for Barclays Capital to stand on a soap box and say that the US should reduce its emissions by half overnight because that simply will not happen because (a) the US will refuse to do so, and (b) it would have such ramifications on their economy that the world would suffer. What needs to happen is that there is a very long-term certainty for all countries and companies within those countries that CO2 is going to become a cost of production like oil and coal and gas is today, and that with that information companies can make informed investment decisions and other companies will innovate with new technologies. The reason that the fuel efficiency of the of the transport, the vehicle fleet in the UK, Japan and Europe is much more efficient than the US is because of cost—the cost of fuel is much higher over here, and technical directions come on the back of that.

  Q441 Chairman: Can I quickly ask you about the CDM arrangements—and we touched on them very briefly earlier? How do you view the CDM is a mechanism to promote financial investment in less developed countries?

  Mr Redshaw: It is a positive development because it does encourage some investment in developing countries. You cannot argue with that because that investment is taking place right now, and Charlie has some examples. But the blueprint that we put together actually solves all of what we see as the inherent problems with the CMD mechanism. The first point was Paul's earlier, that the CDM is a relative reduction not an absolute reduction, and so you can go and build the most dirty, polluting lignite fire and coal fired power station in one corner of the country and then do a highly efficient project in another corner—

  Q442 Chairman: And collect the difference, as it were?

  Mr Redshaw: The dirty one pays nothing and the clean one makes some money. The other problems with CDM are the additionality rule whereby you have to prove that you are doing something above and beyond what you would have done normally, and you have the Executive Board who register the projects and issue the CDM certificates, the CERs. There is a bottleneck with that Executive Board and there is a problem with proving additionality. If you put a cap on developing countries as much as you put a cap on developed countries you take away that bottleneck. The methodologies are useful and can be used as benchmarks and the Executive Board can help the process, but if you put the allocation responsibility on the government of the country and if they have made a project that is more efficient than business-as-usual, then the government is in a position to allocate allowances to that project, and that project can then determine what it wants to do with those allowances. Our blueprint suggests that developing countries have an increasing cap and developed countries have a decreasing cap and that allocation would come from that cap that is given to that country, and it bypasses all of those problems.

  Q443 Chairman: Do you have some examples, Mr Donovan, of some of the projects that are being invested in?

  Mr Donovan: Yes, we have been involved in a number of CDM projects. In the large majority we have seen very, very important developments come from them, both in investment in a country that needs it, but perhaps a bit more selfishly for the UK really motivating some people to go out and do the kinds of projects that simply three years ago if you told someone there was an interesting renewable energy opportunity in Vietnam they would have considered that to be way off their radar screen in terms of the kind of things that they want to do. So we have created a UK industry that can capitalise upon that and that is a legitimate benefit we are seeing, that now we have a best of class, a leading global industry that wants to go out and do these kinds of projects. Now, whether we are getting the right kind of emissions benefit out of it is probably a separate issue but I do think that there are a number of examples where you are seeing a sustainable development occurring through the CDM, but let us not forget that the CDM was intended to do that and not just be a source of cheap emission reductions.

  Q444 Chairman: If we can attempt not to try your patience overmuch it might be helpful to have a very short supplementary memorandum from you on precisely that point, setting out some of the projects you have been involved with and the benefits that you have perceived there. Would that be possible?

  Mr Donovan: What I would propose to you is that through the London Climate Change Services Group there are a number of organisations that are involved in developing these projects and I would be happy to canvass them and ask them to put something together to address that exact issue.

  Chairman: Thank you very much indeed. Simon Thomas.

  Q445 Mr Thomas: Just to conclude—and I apologise for missing the beginning of your evidence session, but it has been fascinating—I would like to invite you to come even further towards the political side, as this is a year in which the government has two key leadership roles within the EU and the G8. What specific priorities and objectives would you like to see the government set up for 2005, looking to the future, as you have sketched out in both your documents?

  Mr Donovan: There are three points that I would advocate. One is to have recognition of the economic benefits of what we have done already, that this is a powerful tool for a number of reasons, not least of which it is bringing benefits into the UK and we want to keep on it and preserve it. The second though is that we really need to urgently address some of these fairness concerns that have been raised by you and by my colleagues here. They are potentially detrimental to the success of the scheme; if those are not ironed out we are looking at a problem down the road. The problem that we are looking at, for example, with over allocation in the EU is the same exact problem that we are looking at with international emissions trading—how do we get people with one big leap to all move forward together and not seek to take some profit opportunity by doing the least amount possible? So the leadership opportunity is to say that it is inexcusable not to step with us. Now, maybe the steps are larger for some people than they are for others but everybody needs to step together. The last one is this idea of a durable long-term strategy and that is where, as I had said previously, we are talking about a massive, massive undertaking that is not just about funding projects and doing all that but convincing people that there is a 21st century project that we have to get on with and that all levels of society support doing that, and that is probably the hardest point because we need to go beyond just this group of people who have chosen to inform themselves, but to people who are consumers of energy and really get them to feel that there is a reason that we have to solve the climate change issue. So those would be the three issues I would say would be come up in that long-term strategy.

  Q446 Mr Thomas: And Barclays, would you agree?

  Mr Redshaw: Absolutely and in the Presidency of the EU, more specifically, is to get Phase 2 organised now. There is no reason not to have this sorted out. Any problems that have come about now in Phase 1 were foreseen in 2004. I think that we can get certainty very quickly if the push comes from the right sources. So a continuation of that—sorting out post-2012 and that is probably the key push for Tony in the G8. The blueprint that we put together gives the opportunity to have a fresh dialogue perhaps. Clearly there are many other ideas out there—ours is just one of them—but the political will is there and the public will is there, and there must be political will otherwise we would not have got to Kyoto in the first instance. So, yes, we have problems with Kyoto, but it does not include developed countries and it does not include the US and it has no prospect of doing so in the near future, and a fresh dialogue that takes a practical look at a global solution we think would be a useful thing to push for.

  Q447 Mr Thomas: And in terms of that fresh dialogue and particularly the question of fairness and equity—although you may not want to use the words Contraction and Convergence—how important is it, would you say, that the Prime Minister actually talks about those principles during this year?

  Mr Dawson: I think the benefits of Kyoto and the EU scheme represent massive achievements currently, but they are only a partial solution to a global problem. If you follow them to their logical conclusion you have to have a global solution and that global solution has to be all nations accepting their responsibilities to reduce carbon dioxide.

  Q448 Mr Thomas: From your perspective, if there was one thing that we could this year that would get the US on board, what would that be? If there is anything indeed of course.

  Mr Dawson: Getting them on board from when? I think talking post-2012 I would be perhaps unwisely optimistic about moving beyond Kyoto and trying to work out a broader consensus. I think getting them on board before then is a much trickier problem.

  Mr Redshaw: The public in the US, I spoke to one of Senator McCain's aides at COP10 in Buenos Aires last year and I asked the same question, and he said that 75% of the US public not only agreed that there is an issue of global warming but that actually something should be done about it. It obviously was not at the top of their agenda in the recent election but the majority of global warming science comes out of the US and most people believe in it—and I am sure even George does really. The key would be to give them something that was palatable. If you take SO2 trading, the very first emissions trading market in the world came out of the US and if you listen to the Environmental Agency equivalent in the States, when they talk about SO2 trading they say that it was way more successful than they first anticipated. They had a lot of objection to it in the first stages; people abated the emissions of SO2 in ways that had not been envisaged before the trading scheme started. The economic cost was much lower than anticipated; the trading was much greater than anticipated, and the benefits to health measured in dollars were also much greater than anticipated; and then the US does not trade CO2—so it is at odds with that policy.

  Mr Donovan: I think the only problem in drawing too much conclusion that was referenced in terms of Americans' beliefs about global warming is that that same percentage probably thinks that global warming is what happens when the air conditioning goes down in your SUV. It is the same problem that we are facing across all levels of society, that there fails to be a deep recognition of what it is, what gases are these. I cannot tell you the number of times I hear even informed people say "carbon monoxide". It is a very difficult thing for people to understand how pervasive this issue is, how deeply entrenched in our economy the use of fossil fuels is and the use of energy is. So while we want to address that it is a bit of a mirror to what we have to do in the UK as well as in Europe and other countries, is to really start to engage deeply with people about what this issue is and why it is important.

  Q449 Mr Thomas: And it needs government leadership?

  Mr Donovan: I would agree with that, yes; I do not see who else could possibly do it.

  Q450 Joan Walley: Finally, when I was in Johannesburg at the World Summit on Sustainable Development I was very conscious that at that summit there was very much a sense that the governments internationally and business and commerce as well should be part of the partnership to deal with these global issues, and I think my final question is to Mr Donovan to say that you have articulated very passionately the need in the 21st century for this mission that gets people who are not yet informed about global warming, what can be done. What is your company, your consultancy doing in terms of being part and parcel of bringing about that change? It is not just for governments to change public opinion, is it? In terms of the companies that you are dealing with—and Barclays as well—what are you doing to be part of the solution of bringing about that wider informed general public which will in turn push governments and maybe even at some stage the US government to take this more seriously?

  Mr Donovan: First, thank you for saying that about what I put in the memo. In a lot of ways my passion about it is simply because I have had enough time to sit and think about it. Like a lot of other people that I see in London—and you will notice that this is not a North Yorkshire accent that I am putting to you!—I worked for the US Environmental Protection Agency when Kyoto was signed; I had a sense of enormous optimism that we were on to something at that point, and then eight, nine years later seeing that things have not moved on a lot, but the problems continue to get that much bigger, it instils in a person that, wow, we really have a lot to do. So in terms of what I can do as an individual or what my company can do are some of the basics. Enviros has an environmental management system; Enviros has a corporate policy on environmental management. I bicycle to work; I try to do other things; I have low watt fluorescent bulbs in my house, but any of that of itself is not going to be enough. But I do agree with what I think is your underlying point, that there is a certain amount of top-down actions that government can take to encourage people but at the end of the day they have to choose to take up those opportunities. So there is a twin challenge both to have the leadership at a governmental level but also to create individual leadership amongst everybody who contributes to this problem.

  Q451 Joan Walley: My question as well is how can a company like yours play that leadership role with other companies, like Michelin in my constituency, to help to involve more companies in putting this whole agenda further forward?

  Mr Donovan: I do not have the answer to that unfortunately. I think the starting block is dialogue. We only really have one process going and that is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change—that is the only really major talking shop that we have going at the moment, and this idea about bringing in the US and all of these things is not going to happen by banging heads together in meetings that happen once a year at some far off location, it is a sustained engagement with dialogue, and I would be very, very pleased to see that, where companies such as Barclays could sit down with companies who they do not serve, say industrial companies, and just go through issues and have that facilitated. I think that would be a very reasonable starting point.

  Q452 Joan Walley: Mr Redshaw?

  Mr Redshaw: I think the education that Charlie refers to is useful for shareholder pressure because corporations are at the mercy of their shareholders and asking a corporation to pay for its CO2 consumption when it is used to getting it for free, as the saying goes, is like asking turkeys to vote for Christmas. You come across issues with companies like Michelin, why would they want to pay more money in costs? What has happened with companies like Michelin is that the UK government, as part of the EU, has said to them, "You have to limit your emissions. If you do not want to limit your emissions you have to pay." So the government has forced them to limit their emissions. The same can actually be done of the public but indirectly. So by including the sectors we have talked about like transport and supply of fossil fuels to end user customers in the Emissions Trading Scheme, what you actually do is you increase the cost to that consumer and the consumer then makes the choice. The consumer can be helped with education so it can make an informed choice but the key driver from a trader's perspective is that people should be responding to cost and if there is no cost incentive then they will not respond.

  Mr Dawson: In terms of what Barclays is doing, Barclays, as with Enviros, has an environmental management system and has reduced our emissions by 21% since the year 2000 and there is quite a strong commitment there to investigate sources of energy efficiency and mitigating over that.

  Q453 Joan Walley: So you are on track with Kyoto!

  Mr Dawson: We are, but unfortunately we represent a very small proportion of global emissions.

  Q454 Chairman: That is one of the problems, is it not, at the risk of extending the conversation beyond its natural life? Even if we in Britain did everything it is only 2% of the global total of the problem?

  Mr Redshaw: But if we in Britain did nothing.

  Chairman: Still adding 2%. Thank you very much indeed. It has been fascinating and really very helpful and we are all most grateful to you.





 
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