Select Committee on Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 280 - 295)

WEDNESDAY 19 JANUARY 2005

MR ANDREW LEE AND MS CATERINA CARDOSO

  Q280  Chairman: If you want to do it company by company, fine, or if you want to do it sector by sector, fine, but tell me who has got to do what and how.

  Ms Cardoso: Well, the first step again I think would be for the Government to set the right framework because there are many companies who actually would like to become greener but they do not have the right framework from the Government. So both in terms of allocations of remissions—

  Q281  Chairman: Hang on, I am talking about the power generating sector.

  Ms Cardoso: Yes, I am talking about the power generating sector as well, and that is what the power companies have been telling us as well, that they do not have the certainty that the Government is going to pursue a system of incentives for green energy. So I think that would be the starting point. Then basically once that system of incentives is in place the power companies have a number of options on how to reduce their emissions. One of them is to close coal. There is no reason to continue having coal. They can switch to gas. I think the medium-term solution is to switch to gas. A second one is actually to increase renewables and for that again we do need a good framework from the Government. The Government should extend the Renewables Obligation to 20% by 2020. That would give a much more secure investment framework for companies. The final thing is actually to start addressing all the various energy services, which we have discussed before.

  Q282  Chairman: Why do you say no to nuclear?

  Mr Lee: Well, for a number of reasons. Firstly, because we think there is absolutely no evidence whatsoever that it is economically viable, and those words come from the Secretary of State for the DTI, not from WWF.

  Q283  Chairman: Do you believe everything the Secretary of State for DTI says?

  Mr Lee: No, but I think on this, if she is taking the competitiveness argument—

  Q284  Chairman: You are selective in your belief, are you? After having slated Government for poor coordination and knowledge in the area, you are now according the Secretary of State probity on nuclear, are you?

  Mr Lee: Well, even the DTI is saying there is no economic case for nuclear, let us put it that way. The second point is we have not solved the waste problem. The third point is that it is not needed. The point of the work we did with this report is to say, "Actually, it is not too late to get on with this, with sufficient will and with a sufficiently clear framework for businesses. The trouble is, I think at the moment the power companies and the Government are looking at each other to see who will blink first and each, to some extent, is saying to the other, "You act." "No, you do it. It's your fault. You need to give us a clear signal," and the Government is saying, "No, you need to do more." So I think in the climate change review the Government needs to break that deadlock by saying, No, this is what needs to happen. This is the regulatory framework, these are the incentives. It is now going to be profitable for you to invest in the sorts of things that Caterina mentioned. We do not think nuclear needs to be part of the solution.

  Ms Cardoso: I would like to add something to that. It is not just DTI but most studies which actually look at energy see that nuclear energy is not economically very viable. They usually do need quite a few subsidies to go ahead. In terms of alternatives, where to invest the money, one can invest, for example, in energy efficiency measures and that would be much, much cheaper.

  Q285  Chairman: Have the French got it wrong?

  Ms Cardoso: It seems so.

  Q286  Chairman: But they have got 70% invested in nuclear power in terms of their generation—

  Ms Cardoso: And they are heavily subsidised. It is the French taxpayers who pay.

  Q287  Chairman: But they are not producing any CO2 from it, are they?

  Ms Cardoso: They are producing other kinds of dangers and economically you can—by increasing energy efficiency measures, by reducing energy demand, I think, for example, if there was a target to reduce energy demand, if there was, for example, 0.2% reduction in energy demand per year, which corresponds with what the Energy White Paper has been saying on energy efficiency, that would be much more cost-effective in reducing CO2 emissions than giving subsidies to the nuclear industry and incurring all the other problems that occur with that.

  Q288  Chairman: My final point. If it is so straightforwardly expressed as you have said, just 0.2% reduction—

  Ms Cardoso: That is our interpretation or their target—not ours exactly, ILEX's interpretation.

  Q289  Chairman: Okay. So it is well supported and well documented. Why do you think the Government are not leaping towards that achievement of that straightforward objective given the problems they are facing in having to row back on their own target?

  Ms Cardoso: It is a very good question. I personally would think that one of the reasons is that there is not a strong lobby behind it. When it comes, for example, to the power sector there is a very precise group of industry who actually want to lobby for something. When it comes to energy efficiency, the benefit of energy efficiency, they are spread all across society. So you will not have basically all the UK population lobbying for that. They are not concentrated, the benefits, they are spread out. So that is why I think it is so important. All right, we commissioned the report to ILEX, which was reviewed by most major players in the power sector. It actually says if we can actually meet the 20% target with no nuclear energy and at a much lower cost, then business as usual. But what happens? Those costs are spread out, so who is going to be lobbying for that? That is one of the problems.

  Mr Lazarowicz: You mentioned earlier on the UK's position in the leadership of both the G8 and the EU later this year and the Prime Minister has said that climate change is a major priority in both those two presidencies. What would you put as a kind of headline of things that the Government should be doing to make use of its presidency period in both these organisations? Obviously engaging the US is undoubtedly one of the priorities, but could you tell us what would be the best things the Government could do to make use of that opportunity?

  Q290  Chairman: Can I just presume on Mr Lazarowicz's question by just raising a point which came at the last sentence of paragraph 1.5 of your evidence, where you say, "The UK must ensure that re-entry of the US into the international climate change regime is based on US commitments to tough emissions reductions domestically." Does that dilute Kyoto, and if we achieve that objective, to follow Mr Lazarowicz's point, how is the United States going to engage in this when they have rejected Kyoto?

  Ms Cardoso: I think there is an important difference between what the federal government says and what is happening at the levels of the different states. The state of California, New York and New England, they are all seriously considering to actually have caps on their emissions. They are also considering a cap and trade system. So we would think that an important way, and a very useful way, of engaging with the US would be through the states, for example exploring ways of how we can link potential cap and trade systems in these states together with the European system. That would be a way. Much of the policy in the States, from what I understand, much of it actually comes from the states. It is very bottom-up on many issues. So foreign policy would be top-down but issues, for example like this one, which actually comes down to what the local people do, is very much bottom-up and it is much stronger. I think there is much more potential for achieving a cut-down in emissions in the US if one goes via the different states. So that would be my first suggestion as far as the US is concerned. As far as the most important achievement of the G8, I think it comes out of commitment from different countries that we do not go above the 2 centigrade increase in temperature. That is absolutely key. There are many countries which support this view, so it is a matter of bringing it together and making it public.

  Q291  Mr Lazarowicz: What the people have said to us today and all the other evidence we have received is very convincing and we as a Committee are most likely to be convinced and we will, no doubt, be doing our best to convince our colleagues and we will have a very strong report and very strong recommendations at the end of our process, but the issue which I suppose always concentrates the mind is that to achieve real change does not just require the governments of the world to act, it requires above all a worldwide public movement effectively and you do what you can as NGOs to bring it about and obviously governments try to do what they can as governments. What can Parliament do to actually help encourage the kind of worldwide pressure for change, which is really the only way you are going to bring on board governments?

  Mr Lee: I will have a crack at it. This is a huge issue, of course. In the UK there is a fledgling organisation called the Climate Movement being set up by all the major environmental NGOs in response to the issue that this is such a massive thing we have to deal with that no one organisation can do it. The model there is to build a coalition more like perhaps the Jubilee 2000, the drop the debt sort of model, which involves church groups, trades unions, business, a very disparate network. Part of the thinking behind setting up the climate movement is that it could become a trigger for similar movements in other countries. There was a discussion about whether it should be set up as a global organisation and the feeling was that that is too much to bite off in one go. Let us see if we can get more of a movement here. But the other part of my answer to your question would be, going back to this thing about what does it look like, what does a low carbon lifestyle look like and why would people be interested in it, there are some very symbolic and very important decisions about to be taken by the Government. The Sustainable Community summit, which is going to happen before the end of January, is a critical opportunity for the Government to say in advance of the publication of the climate change review that every new home built in these new communities in the south-east will come up to the higher standards in terms of actually not just energy efficiency but a whole range of other things. That does a lot of things. It does not just impact upon the people who go into those homes, it also sends a very powerful signal to the market, it also creates volume just in terms of the number of houses built to those standards with the kind of kit that you were talking about earlier, so it brings the production cost down, and the idea of a sustainable building code (which is what is being vigorously debated right now to go into that summit) is that that would then set a benchmark across the construction industry. Okay, that only deals with new houses and you have then all the issues of refurbishment, but those sorts of things could be used much more actively, I think, as a way of promoting "This is what it means to you as a citizen. These are the sorts of choices." Then I think you would find more people supporting it and saying, "That's a good idea," and there is clear evidence from the construction sector that there is a market demand for this sort of property and that people are actually prepared to pay more for it. We think that the very small extra build cost, which would be very tiny if there was the volume, could easily be covered by things like a green mortgage at a preferential rate, looking at council tax levels, and so on; in other words to take out the front-loaded cost and give customers the benefits over the years. I think there is the public movement, climate movement end and there is what the Government could be doing now with issues like housing.

  Q292  Mr Lazarowicz: That is helpful. If I could turn very briefly to a separate aspect of the issue and just ask you to say a little bit more about why, with regard to the EU Emissions Trading Scheme, you are unhappy at the idea of sourcing emissions from outside the EU. Should international emissions trading be encouraged? You have heard the evidence from Our World that it is actually needed to bring developing countries on board the worldwide Emissions Trading Scheme?

  Ms Cardoso: We are definitely extremely supportive of an international trading regime, very supportive of that. We are lobbying for that and the Kyoto Protocol actually sets already the basis for that. With regard to this particular issue about sourcing emissions reductions from outside the EU, the reason why we oppose that is because for an emissions reduction to actually have some value as a reduction it has to be a reduction in addition to business as usual or less than business as usual. For example, if we are sourcing it in countries where they do not have targets it is extremely difficult to actually make sure that that reduction is a real reduction or whether it is just a reduction that would have happened anyway by accident, in which case it has no value. So that is the main reason why we oppose that. The second reason is that our objective is very much to reduce emissions at home, to set the example for the rest of the world of how one can reduce emissions without that having a negative impact on the economy, in fact it can even have the contrary. So we are very supportive of an international trading regime. There are countries outside the EU which are interested as well, such as Japan and China, and we think those options should be pursued.

  Q293  Mr Mitchell: What sort of cost are you talking about? Is it a small extra cost? The Government wants to build these houses in the south-east for £60,000, which the Institute of Chartered Surveyors says would not build a cigar box! Can you put a figure on the amount of extra cost involved in being energy efficiency for new buildings?

  Mr Lee: The best figure we have is that if you take the highest quality housing in terms of the environment like the BedZed development in London you are talking about 2% on the build cost and that is without the volume. That is partly because quite a lot of the technology is expensive because it is still not in the big market and we think that is not a big percentage.

  Q294  Chairman: Can I just conclude by turning now to the role of agriculture and particularly the use of biofuels. There seems to me to be a paradox in this country. That is that Defra on the one hand are very enthusiastic. They tell us about the benefits. The Chancellor, on the other hand, makes a reduction in duty for biodiesel and bioethanol, but as far as the use of indigenous raw materials from UK agriculture is concerned, to the best of my knowledge nobody has built a plant. The Secretary of State, upon being probed about this problem, says: "If we are more generous this will encourage imports of biofuels, but on the other hand if we meet our obligations under the EU directive for blended fuels, if we do not have a biofuels plant it will be imported." This paradox appears to be irresolvable. What is your practical advice about what should happen? Should we first of all have a UK biofuels industry? Secondly, what do you think we need to do to get one actually underway?

  Ms Cardoso: WWF is supportive of biomass but it is also supportive of the way the market works. So I think, for example in the context of the CAP reform there should be more support for biomass. Whether, on giving those supports, the UK farmers decide to go ahead with it I would say is a different question. I think what is very important is that the options are explored, the pros and cons are explored and that there is a diversion of subsidies from excess of food to biomass. That would be our view on that point.

  Mr Lee: In terms of the dilemma you have just described, it is curious that that point of view is being put for biofuels, that imports are the problem, we should have our own industry. That argument is happening. Whereas for wind energy, for example, the argument put by the DTI—I am sorry to mention them again—is exactly the opposite, "Oh, well, it doesn't matter if we just import all the technology." What we and I think actually all the NGOs have said is, "Look, there is a huge market opportunity here for the UK to be a leader in the world on some of these things." So personally, yes, I think biofuels, biomass is a part, probably a small part in the UK, of the solution but certainly part of the mix. It has other benefits, rural development benefits, benefits for land managers, and we should be trying to get a slice of the action, if you like, in that case. It would probably have much bigger benefits in other countries, of course.

  Q295  Chairman: Do you think as a principle it is important to tackle these issues on as many fronts as possible? I come back to the point I made to our previous witnesses that if you look at what gives the best value for money for the expenditure of the public pound in CO2 savings it is loft insulation and biofuels suddenly comes right at the bottom of the spectrum, which is where I personally suspect the Treasury are camped by saying, "We have a limited amount of money to spend in this area so let's put it where we get the biggest bang for the buck," which is a rational economic judgment. But what it means is that you close down not just biofuels but many other options if you are looking to put public money into trying to stimulate the types of development that we have been talking about. So do you consider it important that you fight on as many fronts as you can or should you just concentrate all your resources, coming back to your observations about the power sector, for example, on where you are going to get potentially the biggest hit?

  Mr Lee: Well, I think we have outlined where we think some of the big hits are now. I think this does relate back to the climate programme review and the lack of a clear long-term vision. What scale of climate change are we trying to avoid? What degree of real reduction in emissions do we want and what does that look like in terms of the energy future, because going back to your point about nuclear earlier, is our vision in the future of highly centralised energy production and lots of imports or is it of more decentralised production in combined heat and power, using biofuels, and actually there needs to be some thought about what that looks like, how it all fits together, because then there is some kind of direction. Then in the shorter term I think it is possible to make some really quite clear economic decisions about if we put the investment here it will bring this technology nearer to market. But as part of an overall view—and this is part of the problem, I think, with the debate about wind at the moment in the UK—it has been hugely polarised because it is sort of, "Wind farms will do nothing." Well, wind is an important part of the mix, but it is only part of it and by not talking to people about what the whole thing looks like all the attention is focused on the wind debate. So a clearer plan, I think.

  Chairman: Thank you very much indeed. Your answers have been very clear, and thank you for your very interesting written evidence. If there is anything else you feel you wanted to respond to in writing following these exchanges, please do not hesitate to let us know and thank you very much for coming.






 
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