HOW MANY TURKISH CYPRIOTS REMAIN IN CYPRUS[78]
INTRODUCTION
Between 1974 and the present Turkey has populated
northern Cyprus with more than 100,000 Turkish settlers. This,
of course, constitutes an international crime and a violation
of Article 49(6) of the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949 which provides
that "[t]he occupying power shall not deport or transfer
parts of its own civilian population into territory it occupies."
Turkish settlers are given the properties of the evicted Greek
Cypriots, are granted the citizenship of the internationally unrecognised
TRNC, and vote together with the indigenous Turkish Cypriots such
that the election results in northern Cyprus do not reflect the
real will of the latter. The Turkish Cypriot leadership considers
the settlerswho now make up the majority of the population
in northern Cyprusas members of the Turkish Cypriot community.
This is an important consideration since the settlers will be
entitled to vote as part of the Turkish Cypriot community in the
coming referendum on the Annan Plan which is supposed to let Cypriots
decide the future of their divided island.
1.1 The census of 1960
The last census covering all of the Republic
of Cyprus' inhabitants was taken on 11 December 1960. The number
of Turkish Cypriots at that time was 104,320. Adding the 475 Moslem
gypsies and other Moslems, the total came to 104,942. The number
of Christians was 473,265. (Census of Population and Agriculture
1960, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1962)
1.2 The total number of Turkish Cypriots immediately
before the Turkish invasion of 1974
Because the Turkish Cypriots left the structure
of the Cypriot state after the outbreak of inter-communal clashes
at the end of 1963, no census covering the Turkish Cypriots could
be conducted thereafter. According to the study of Canadian researcher,
Richard A. Patrick, who served as an officer in UNFICYP, entitled
"Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict 1963-197 1"",
(1976) there were a total of 119,147 Turkish Cypriots living in
the Turkish Cypriot settlements on the island. The population
estimates of the Greek Cypriot administration put the number at
114,960.
1.3 The total number of Turkish Cypriots in
1974
The traumatic events of the summer of 1974 culminated
in a Turkish military invasion which effectively divided Cyprus.
Shortly after the division, the following information was provided
in a report prepared by Mr Ahmet Sami, the secretary-general of
the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Justice of the "Autonomous
Turkish-Cypriot Administration", dated 20 October 1974:
"A total of 83,719 Turkish Cypriots live
on the territory of the `Autonomous Turkish Cypriot administration'.
There were 32,039 Turkish Cypriots left in the south. Approximately
10,000 of them are in the SBA, 4,200 in Limassol and in its villages,
12,000 in Paphos district, 2,630 in the Larnaca district, 3,209
in the villages of Nicosia district. It was stated in the same
report that until 19 October 1974, about 12,000 Turkish Cypriots
had moved to the north".
According to the information given above, there
were 71,719 Turkish Cypriots living north of and 44,039 Turkish
Cypriots living south of the partition line, making a total of
115,758. This essentially confirms the estimates published in
the Patrick study.
1.4 First arrivals of Turkish settlers from
mainland Turkey
According to an article published in Zaman on
9 August 1977, Mr Hakki Atun, the Minister for Settlement and
Rehabilitation of the "Federated State of the Turkish Cypriots",
had declared that 20,934 families, ie 83,650 Turkish Cypriots
were settled in the north between 1974 and 1977. As the number
of Turkish Cypriots coming from the south was 44,039, the remaining
39,611 persons must have been settlers transferred from Turkey.
Turkish settlers were first brought in from
Anatolia in October 1974 on the pretext that "they would
work in the hotels and gardens left behind by the Greek Cypriots".
In January 1975 the families of Turkish military personnel killed
in Cyprus in the war of 1974 were also settled in the north. This
practice was extended further to granting houses and plots of
land to anyone wishing to settle in Cyprus.
On 10 June 1976 Zaman reported Mr Rauf Denktashh's
response to those in the north who criticised how the resettlement
was being conducted, as follows: "It was a matter of uprooting
and resettling about 80 thousand people. This magnificent mission
was accomplished by human beings, who could make mistakes."
Mr Denktashh's statements confirmed that as
early as 1976 the number of Turkish settlers almost matched the
number of Turkish Cypriots resettled from the south to the north.
1.5 Turkish settlers at the end of 1983
In the draft "Second Five-Year Development
Plan" prepared by the State Planning Bureau and published
in September 1983, it was stated that 91,225 persons were re-settled
between 1974 and 1982 on the territory of the "Federated
State of the Turkish Cypriots". As the number of Turkish
Cypriot refugees coming from the south was 44,039, the number
of Turkish citizens settled in northern Cyprus can be estimated
at 47,186. No official statistics were ever published.
The Turkish Cypriot population in 1960 was 104,942
and in 1974 it was 115,758. As of 1974, however, reference to
the numbers of the "Turkish Cypriots" also included
the Turkish settlers. It is clear that the number of Turkish settlers
was constantly rising. A census taken on 26.5.1990 to determine
the number of voters before the next general election showed that
the "Turkish Cypriot" population had reached 173,224.
Mr Rauf Denktashh ultimately revealed why detailed population
statistics were never disclosed: "If we disclose them, they
will know who came from where!" (Yeni Duzen, 23 July 1993)
1.6 The Cuco Report
The Spanish parliamentarian, Alfonse Cuco, Rapporteur
of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Demography of the
Council of Europe (CoE), prepared a report on the "Structure
of the Cypriot Communities" dated 27 April 1992, which was
discussed by the Parliamentary Assembly of the CoE. The Assembly
adopted Resolution No 1197 on 7 October 1992, which recommended
that the Committee of Ministers instruct the European Population
Committee to conduct a census of the island's population, in cooperation
with the authorities concerned, in order to replace population
estimates with reliable data. The authorities of the Republic
of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot administration were requested
to keep the arrival of aliens on the island under strict control.
Turkey was invited to register at its Cyprus Consulate all Turkish
citizens residing and arriving in Cyprus.
It is unfortunate that since then no census
has been conducted in the north of the island under international
observation; the exact number of Turkish settlers remains undetermined.
1.7 The first Turkish Cypriot official census
The results of the first official census conducted
by the Turkish Cypriot authorities on 15 December 1996 and evaluated
by the State Institute of Statistics in Ankara, were publicized
two years later. According to this data, the de facto population
of northern Cyprus was 200,587 and the de jure population was
188,662.
The difference between the two was explained
by Mr Ahmet Bulunc, Adviser of the State Planning Bureau, who
stated that on the day of the census 11,925 persons had declared
that their permanent residence was outside the TRNC.
The results of the census were as follows:
Total population | 200,587 (100%)
|
Citizens of the TRNC | 164,460 (82%)
|
Born in the TRNC | 137,398
|
Born in Turkey | 23,924
|
Born in a 3rd country | 3,138
|
Citizens of Turkey | 30,702 (15%)
|
Students | 8,287
|
Employed | 12,922
|
Unemployed | 1,327
|
Other (private business, pensioners, etc.)
| 8,166 |
Citizens of a 3rd country | 5,425 (3%)
|
| |
The number of Greek Cypriots living in the north was 384
and the number of Cypriot Maronites 173.
The census does not specify the number of children born in
the TRNC to Turkish parents. There is no mention of the approximately
35,000 Turkish soldiers in Cyprus, nor of their dependents. It
is further estimated that in addition there are about 25 or 30
thousand illegal workers, pushing the total of the de facto population
even higher.
According to information provided by sources who would like
their identity to remain undisclosed, approximately 46,000 people
have been granted TRNC citizenship since 1974 and 20-25 thousand
of those do not live permanently in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 31.1.1998)
This number includes famous Turkish politicians and parliamentarians.
Mr Kenan Akin, who originates from mainland Turkey and was
the TRNC Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, disclosed that
there were 60,000 mainland settlers in the TRNC. (Avrupa, 6.6.1998)
1.8 By 1998 at least one-third of the population in northern
Cyprus consisted of mainland Turkish settlers
The idea of re-establishing a political party like the "Rebirth
Party" of the Turkish settlers (the party had merged with
the Democratic Party in 1992) surfaced after the general elections
of 6 December 1998. An advertisement published by Turkish settlers
read: ". . . nearly one-third of the population at large
were cunningly divided and their just and balanced representation
in parliament was obstructed." (Hiirriyet-Kibris, 22 December
1998)
It is evident therefore that in the total population of the
TRNC the number of those originating from mainland Turkey ranges
between 60 and 80 thousand and reaches beyond 100 thousand if
one includes the illegal workers.
1.9 Recent Figures
Displayed below is the list of passengers arriving at and
departing from the TRNC airports and seaports, by year and citizenship.
| Arrivals |
| | | | Departures
| | |
Year | TRNC |
Turkey | Other |
Total | TRNC | Turkey
| Other | Total |
1974 | 5,098 | 5,573
| 1,022 | 11,693 | 6,093
| 4,193 | 804 | 11,090
|
1975 | 13,365 | 73,831
| 6,577 | 94,043 | 29,842
| 51,465 | 5,943 | 87,250
|
1976 | 30,764 | 83,440
| 4,552 | 118,756 | 31,454
| 80,347 | 4,985 | 116,786
|
1977 | 33,570 | 108,016
| 5,113 | 146,699 | 34.450
| 97,142 | 5,377 | 137,059
|
1978 | 35,449 | 104,738
| 8,177 | 148,364 | 36,410
| 103,108 | 7,802 | 147,320
|
1979 | 47,839 | 95,095
| 13,286 | 156,220 | 46,858
| 92,956 | 12,619 | 152,433
|
1980 | 51,204 | 69,810
| 14,793 | 135,087 | 53,135
| 68,727 | 14,082 | 135,944
|
1981 | 52,933 | 62,182
| 15,471 | 131,216 | 52,371
| 44,912 | 15,512 | 112,795
|
1982 | 49,870 | 62,058
| 22,811 | 134,739 | 51,764
| 66,172 | 22,631 | 140,567
|
1983 | 58,908 | 78,467
| 20,467 | 157,842 | 66,660
| 76,386 | 20,300 | 157,346
|
1984 | 57,929 | 93,193
| 18,925 | 170,767 | 56,763
| 90,403 | 19,511 | 166,677
|
1985 | 53,860 | 103,791
| 21,284 | 178,935 | 54,599
| 102,754 | 21,049 | 178,402
|
1986 | 55,076 | 105,729
| 25,763 | 186,568 | 55,788
| 105,492 | 25,603 | 186.883
|
1987 | 59,602 | 149,394
| 36,448 | 245,444 | 60,954
| 149,980 | 36,995 | 247,929
|
1988 | 60,178 | 173,351
| 56,050 | 289,579 | 62,243
| 169,501 | 53,966 | 285,710
|
1989 | 68,583 | 214,566
| 59,507 | 342,656 | 68,212
| 209,837 | 58,562 | 336,611
|
1990 | 74,681 | 243,269
| 57,541 | 375,491 | 73,771
| 541,764 | 57,615 | 373,150
|
1991 | 66,012 | 179,379
| 40,858 | 286,249 | 66,627
| 178,770 | 40,502 | 285,899
|
1992 | 78,466 | 210,178
| 57,440 | 346,084 | 80,304
| 209,045 | 57,380 | 246,729
|
1993 | 03,669 | 281,370
| 77,943 | 452,982 | 97,702
| 281,160 | 78,876 | 457,738
|
1994 | 109,878 | 256,539
| 95,079 | 461,415 | 113,012
| 252,813 | 94,514 | 460,339
|
1995 | 134,374 | 298,026
| 87,733 | 520,133 | 136,803
| 291,058 | 87,214 | 515,075
|
1996 | 133,072 | 289,131
| 75,985 | 498,188 | 135,079
| 286,691 | 75,337 | 497,107
|
1997 | 138,109 | 326,364
| 73,000 | 537,473 | 138,884
| 321,208 | 71,853 | 531,945
|
1998 | 134,274 | 315,797
| 77,230 | 527,301 | 134,823
| 385,466 | (*) | 519,749
|
1999 | 136,210 | 334,400
| 79,615 | 550,225 | 136,022
| 407,886 | | 543,908
|
2000 | 140,302 | 347,712
| 85,241 | 573,225 | 141,156
| 433,408 | | 574,564
|
2001 | 127,738 | 277,718
| 87,346 | 492,802 | 129,585
| 359,557 | | 489.142
|
| 2,101,392 | 6,169,734
| 8,271,126 | 2,144,914 | 6,051,233
| | | 8,196,147
|
| | |
| | | |
| |
(*) Refers to the total number of citizens from Turkey and Third
Countries starting from 1998, stated in the Statistical Yearbooks.
The population of the occupied areas for the year 2001 was
put at 212,500 in Supplement 5 of the Report entitled, "The
Colonisation by Turkish Settlers of the Occupied Part of Cyprus",
of 2 May 2003 (Doc 9799), which was prepared by Finnish parliamentarian
Jaakko Laakso in the name of the Committee on Migration, Refugees
and Demography of the Parliamentary Assembly of the CoB. The estimated
number of Turkish Cypriots is 87,600 (down from circa 115,000
in 1974) and the estimated number of Turkish settlers is 115,000.
1.10 The actual number of Turkish Cypriots is not known
The number of Cypriot-born TRNC citizens, 137,398, does not
indicate the actual number of the original Turkish Cypriots in
the TRNC, because it includes the children of the Turkish settlers.
In an article entitled, "Revelation: Turks have reached
25% of the population Colonization speeds up and changes dimension",
Greek Cypriot newspaper Fileleftheros reported that although not
all have been given TRNC citizenship, the number of mainland Turks
in northern Cyprus has reached 120,000. Fileleftheros added that
there are clear sigus that Ankara has accelerated the process
of changing the demographic structure of northern Cyprus radically,
both in quantity and in quality.
Fileleftheros, relying on information collected and evaluated
by various channels, further alleged that "the number of
Turkish Cypriots did not exceed 86,800 at the end of 1998. This
means that their proportion in the Cypriot population has dropped
from 18% to 11%."
The newspaper continued: "The number of the colonists
is already over 120,000 and is between 125 and 128 thousand. According
to the Report of the Statistics Department, the Turkish Cypriot
emigration wave continues and 54,000 of them have already left.
The number of Turkish Cypriots was only 88,200 at the end of December
1997. Instead of increasing they have decreased in number."
(Cited in Halkin Sesi, 1.3. 1999)
1.11 Conclusion
Since 1974 Turkish Cypriots have become a minority in their
own land whilst northern Cyprus remains under the occupation and
control of the Turkish military. The demographic structure there
has been changed significantly through Turkey's displacement of
170,000 Greek Cypriots, its mass transfer of settlers from mainland
Turkey, and the emigration of Turkish Cypriots to third countries.
So much then for Turkey's respect for international law, in general,
and the Hague Regulations of 1907 and the 4th Geneva Convention
of 1949 in particular.
2. WHO GOVERNS THE TURKISH CYPRIOT COMMUNITY
INTRODUCTION
It seems that the 50-year-old adventure of Turkey in Cyprus
and its relationship with Rauf Denktashh has come full circle.
Criticizing the new Turkish government during a visit to the premises
of the Hurriyet newspaper in Istanbul, Rauf Denktashh made the
following statement:
"During the past 40 years You have secretly given arms
to a handful of persons, urging them to fight for Turkism and
Turkey, and we have spent our lives doing so. Now you cannot say
that our struggle was wrong and unnecessary. You have no right
to say this." (Hurriyet, 1.9.2003)
2.2 Background
The Turkish Cypriot community has been under the effective
control of the Turkish military since 1 August 1958, when command
of the Turkish Cypriot underground organization TMT[79]
was given to a mainland Turkish officer. From that day on the
plan of the mainland Turkish "deep state"[80]
under the code name "KIP" (Kibris Istirdat Plani Gaining
Back Cyprus) was put into effect.
The early failures of the Cyprus Republic were not the sole
responsibility of the Turkish Cypriots. The Republic of Cyprus
was proclaimed on 16 August 1960, but both Greek and Turkish Cypriot
leaders refused to fully support the democratic development of
the new independent state. The fate of the new republic fell to
the hands of the pro-enosis EOKA and pro-taksim TMT members. Civil
society was not allowed to develop and the whole political, economic,
social and cultural life of the Turkish Cypriot community came
under the influence of the official partitionist ideology of the
Turkish Cypriot leadership and the paramilitary TMT. The Turkish
Cypriot civil administration came under TMT control especially
after the inter-communal clashes that began in December 1963.
In the wake of these events the Turkish Cypriot leadership
boycotted the state apparatus of the Cyprus Republic and urged
the Turkish Cypriot community to withdraw into small isolated
enclaves scattered throughout the island and occupying less than
5% of its total territory. The Turkish Cypriot population thus
came under the military administration of the TMT which was commanded
by the BayraktarBozkurt[81]
(Grey Wolf), who sat at the Turkish Embassy in the Turkish Cypriot
sector of Nicosia and governed the districts with the Sancaktars
(Standard-bearers). The latter were all mainland Turkish officers.
Following the withdrawal of the Turkish Cypriots from the
Republic of Cyprus at the end of 1963[82]
and during the period between May 1964 and December 1967 the Turkish
Cypriots were governed by the so called "General Committee"a
joint civilian-military organization that took its orders from
Ankara. In 1967 there was the creation of the "Turkish Cypriot
Provisional Administration"[83].
During the following year, in 1968, inter-communal negotiations
started which lasted until July 1974. This period saw the mobilization
of opposition forces within the Turkish Cypriot community that
were not satisfied with the Turkish Cypriot leadership. At the
same time many Turkish Cypriot university students who went to
study in Turkey and elsewhere returned to Cyprus with newly popular
left-wing ideas.
It was in this new context that at the end of 1970 the Republican
Turkish Party was formed and declared its struggle against the
"fascism of B.E.Y."the acronym that stood for
the Turkish words Bayraktarlik (which governed the TMT), Elcilik
(Turkish Embassy in Nicosia) and Yonetim (Turkish Cypriot Administration).
In a similar gesture the Turkish Cypriot Trade Union of Teachers
was formed in 1968 and expressed its resistance against the oppression
of the military administration in the Turkish Cypriot enclaves.
The terrorist activities initiated in 1970 against President
Makarios and his followers by the fascist EOKA-B, an organ of
the Greek junta in Cyprus, reached its peak with the coup of 15
July 1974. On 20 July 1974 Turkey seized this opportunity to invade
and partition the island.
The post-1974 rising chauvinist sentiment and the concentration
of the Turkish Cypriots in the northern one-third of the island
resulted in the declaration by the TMT of the so-called "Turkish
Cypriot Federated State" (1975) and later the "Turkish
Republic of Northern Cyprus" (1983). Everything was put under
the control of Turkey and her military and more than 100,000 settlers
were brought in. The Turkish Cypriots became a minority, whereas
the continuing presence of 35,000 Turkish soldiers hamstrung the
"civilianisation" of the Turkish Cypriot society.
2.3 The National Coordinating Council
Turkish-occupied northern Cyprus is currently governed by
the so-called "National Coordinating Council" (NCC)
that exercises supreme power over the legislative, executive and
judicial branches of the TRNC. The NCC is comprised of the Turkish
ambassador to the TRNC, the commander of the "Turkish Peace
Forces," the commander of the Security Forces (all appointed
from Turkey), and the President, Prime Minister and Deputy Prime
Minister of the TRNC. The decisions of the NCC are not subject
to appeal and are final. The existence of the NCC is evidenced
through reports in the Turkish Cypriot press. On 29 February 2000
Avrupa reported that the Minister of Labor had been told that
"nothing can happen in this country without our knowledge!"
The editor of Yeni Duzen, Basaran Duzgun, wrote on 8 March
1997 the following about the NCC:
"The National Security Council is a topic of political
debate in Turkey. How many people are aware that we in Cyprus
also have a National Coordinating Council? How many persons know
that this Council meets regularly, takes important decisions which
can influence the daily life of the Turkish Cypriots, that it
can overthrow the government and form a new one?"
Another report was published in Kibris on 22 December 1995
under the title "Secret meeting at the Palace". The
accusation of Turk-Sen (a Turkish Cypriot trade union) that "the
Turkish Embassy is intervening in the internal affairs of the
TRNC" related to the attempt to give control of the Electricity
Authority to STFA, a private company from Turkey. Wrote Kibris:
"The so-called `Coordinating Council' met yesterday at
the Presidential Palace. The meeting started at 11.00 and lasted
3.5 hours without any break. Participating in the meeting were
President Rauf Denktashh, Prime Minister Hakki Atun, Lieut.-General
of the Cyprus Turkish Peace Forces Hasan Kundakci, Commander of
the Security Forces Brigadier-General Ismail Kocman, Ambassador
of Turkey in Nicosia Aydan Karahan, Director-General of the Police
Attila Say and other high ranking military commanders. No statement
was made to the press after the meeting. But according to reliable
resources the meeting dealt with the issue of the privatisation
of electricity and `the relevant statement by Turk-Sen' was evaluated
in an extraordinary meeting."
The NCC constitutes an "extra-constitutional" device
that essentially circumvents democratic procedures and avoids
electoral accountability for its actions. Its role is to ensure
that the affairs of northern Cyprus are determined in accordance
with the interests of Turkey as interpreted and formulated by
the National Security Council[84]
in Ankara.
On another occasion, Bulent Akarcali, Deputy President of
the mainland Turkish party ANAP, was quoted by Yeni Demokrat (2
September 2001) as saying that:
"Today the TRNC is a republic only on paper. The money,
everything goes there from Turkey. Even the Turkish ambassador
cannot do anything without the permission of the military commander
there. All the large investments in Northern Cyprus are given
to tenders, directly in Ankara. This means that Northern Cyprus
is governed like a province of Turkey. It is foolish and wrong
to think that the Greek Cypriots, the Greeks and other members
of the EU do not know this. They know it very well."
3. THE GENERAL ELECTIONS HELD ON 14 DECEMBER 2003,
IN THE OCCUPIED AREAS OF CYPRUS
INTRODUCTION
The elections of 14 December 2003 have been presented by
some in northern Cyprus, Ankara and beyond as a manifestation
of the political autonomy of Turkish Cypriots from Turkey. This
section challenges that assumption by illustrating the continuing
crucial role of Turkish settlers and the Turkish military and
intelligence establishment. The sad reality is that developments
in northern Cyprus remain a function not of the political state
of affairs within the indigenous Turkish Cypriot community, but
of the balance of power between the various factions in Ankara.
3.1 Election Results
3.1.1 Seven political parties participated in the general
elections which took place in the occupied northern part of Cyprus
on 14 December 2003[85].
The election results are as follows:
The Republican Turkish Party-United Forces (CTP-BG) led by Mehmet Ali Talat
(35.18%)
| 19 seats |
The National Unity Party (UBP)
led by Dervis Eroglu (32.93%)
| 18 seats |
The Democratic Party (DP)
led by Serdar Denktashh
(12.93%)
| 7 seats |
The Peace and Democracy Movement (BDH)
led by Mustafa Akinci
(14.13%)
| 6 seats |
The National Peace Party (MBP)
led by Ertugrul Hasiboglu
(3.23%)
| |
The Solution and European Union Party (CABP)
led by Ali Erel
(1.97%)
| |
The Cyprus Justice Party (KAP)
led by Oguz Kalelioglu
(0.60%)
| |
| |
3.1.2 The Turkish Cypriot political parties were divided
into two camps: CTP-BG, BDH and CABP were supporting a solution
to the Cyprus Problem on the basis of the Annan Plan and membership
of the European Union. The other parties, UBP, DP, MBP and KAP
were supporting the status quo.
3.1.3 Out of the 50 members of parliament four are Turkish
settlers:
Nun Cevikel (CTP-BG), born in Mersin
Bayram Karaman (CTP-BG), born in Bitlis-Tatvan
Kemal Yilmaz (UBP), born in Adana-Kozan
Mustafa Gokmen (DP), born in Trabzon
3.1.4 14 members of parliament are medical doctors (six
CTP-BG, four UBP, three DP, one BDH) and two are dentists (one
UBP, one DP). Only three members are women (one CTP-BG, one UBP
and one DP). The participation rate in the general elections was
86.48%.
3.2 The Right Forecast
3.2.1 The election results showed that the parties supporting
a solution (CTP-BG, BDH, CABP) received 50.45% of the vote whilst
the parties supporting the status quo (UBP, DP, MBP, KAP) received
49.55%. (Kibris, 17 December 2003).
3.2.2 It is interesting to note that there were two right
forecasts about the outcome of the election before it actually
took place. Serdar Denktashh, leader of the DP, announced at a
party meeting the results of a public opinion poll as follows:
Parties supporting the Annan Plan would take 51% and the pro-TRNC
parties would take 49% of the vote. (Ortam, 6 October 2003)
3.2.3 Mr Thomas Weston, the Cyprus Coordinator of the
State Department, spoke at a panel discussion organized by Johns
Hopkins University and said the following: "I will not say
my view about which party should win in the elections on 14 December.
But many Turkish Cypriots support the Annan Plan and its provisions.
I don't know if they make up 51% or 49%. But a siguificant proportion
of the Turkish Cypriots will show their will favoring the Annan
Plan. That is more important than the result." (Kibris, 4
December 2003).
3.3 Some Challenges
3.3.1 Rauf Denktashh criticised Guenther Verheugen in
a written statement. Mr Verheugen had said that new citizens were
being created so as to manipulate the TRNC elections. Mr Denktashh
said that this allegation was baseless since the citizenship grants
had been made in accordance with Law No. 25/96. (Halkin Sesi,
23 November 2003).
3.3.2 Rauf Denktashh stated that Turkey was not interfering
in the forthcoming general elections of 14 December. He said:
"Turkey has the right to interfere. . .I'm not saying this
in order to invite you to interfere. Turkey secured these rights
with the 1960 Agreements, the right to keep the balance between
Turkey and Greece and the right not to allow Cyprus to become
an EU member before the accession of Turkey. There are people
in Cyprus who try to abolish these rights. Turkey has the right
to say: "You cannot do this. We defend and we shall defend
them." (Kibris, 10 December 2003).
3.3.3 Abdullah Gul, the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign
Minister of Turkey, stated: "Whoever wins the elections in
the TRNC, he cannot behave independently from Turkey. If someone
behaves as if Turkey does not exist in matters relating to Cyprus,
we shall be distressed. As a guarantor country Turkey shall be
the side who will say `YES' or `NO' on a matter related to the
Cyprus Question." (Birlik, 16 December 2003)
3.3.4 Rauf Denktashh criticized Mr Weston who alleged
that people originating from mainland Turkey had voted in the
elections: "We don't accept anyone giving us directives about
who will be included in the Voter Roll of the TRNC. The CTP-BG
and the BDH did not complain about the election results since
they received votes from TRNC citizens originating from Turkey.
Normal numbers of voters were added to the lists of the last local
elections and the opposition did not complain about it."
(Ortam, 19 December 2003)
3.4 Demographic Structure
3.4.1 It is a well-known fact that in the Turkish-occupied
part of Cyprus the demographic structure was changed after 1974
with the transfer of settlers from Turkey, contrary to international
law.
3.4.2 A Report was prepared in 1992 by Spanish parliamentarian,
Alfons Cuco, for the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Demography
of the CoE on the topic of Turkish settlement. Per the Report,
between 1974 and 1990 the population in the areas controlled by
the Republic of Cyprus increased by only 13.70% whereas the increase
in the northern part was 48.35%! (Draft Recommendation, Paragraphs
2 and 3) The same Report mentions that UN Representative Camilion
had informed Mr Cuco that 40-45 thousand Turkish civilians had
been transferred to the island. (Cuco Report, 27 April 1992, Doc.
6589, Paragraph 85).
3.4.3 Furthermore, 42,000 Turkish Cypriots emigrated
from the occupied areas because of various reasons. In 1997, the
number of Turkish settlers and their children living in the occupied
areas had not been declared officially, but was estimated to be
about 100,000. (Ahmet An, "Kibris nereye gidiyor?",
Istanbul 2002, p 324)
3.4.4 The latest report of the Committee on Migration,
Refugees and Demography of the CoE (2 May 2003, Doc 9799), prepared
by Finnish parliamentarian, Jaakko Laakso, informs us that:
2. It is a well-established fact that the demographic
structure of the island has been continuously modified since the
de facto partition of the island in 1974 as a result of the deliberate
policies of the Turkish Cypriot administration and Turkey. Despite
the lack of consensus on the exact figures, all parties concerned
admit that Turkish nationals have been systematically arriving
in the northern part of the island. According to reliable estimates,
their number currently amounts to 115 000. (. . .)
4. In particular, the Assembly expresses its concern at
the continuous outflow of the indigenous Turkish Cypriot population
from the northern part. Their number decreased from 118,000 in
1974 to an estimated 87,600 m 2001. In consequence, the settlers
outnumber the indigenous Turkish Cypriot population in the northern
part of the island. (. . .)
5. In the light of the information available, the Assembly
cannot accept the claims that the majority of arriving Turkish
nationals are seasonal workers or former inhabitants who had left
the island before 1974. Therefore it condemns the policy of "naturalization"
designed to encourage new arrivals and introduced by the Turkish
Cypriot administration with full support of the Government of
Turkey.
6. The Assembly is convinced that the presence of the
settlers constitutes a process of hidden colonization and an additional
and important obstacle to a peaceful negotiated solution of the
Cyprus problem.
36. The aim of the Turkish-Cypriot administration's policy
towards the settlers has been to promote their permanent establishment
on the island. The settlers are granted housing, land or other
properties on special terms. They are issued with a "concession
certificate" which they are not entitled to sell or pass
to a third party until a period of 20 years has elapsed.
37. The most important measure for the settlers has been
the possibility of acquiring Turkish-Cypriot nationality. In 1975,
the Turkish-Cypriot administration passed Act No. 3/1975, under
which nationality could be given to anyone who requested it and,
in particular, to members of the Turkish armed forces who had
served in Cyprus and their families.
38. In 1981, complementary provisions were established
according to which Turkish-Cypriot nationality can be granted
to persons permanently resident in the northern part for at least
one year, those who made or could make an important contribution
to the economy, or social and culture life, and those who have
rendered services to the security forces.
39. Along with citizenship, the settlers get a whole series
of political rights including the right to vote and set up political
parties.
3.5 The Implications of the Change in Demographic Structure
3.5.1 The table below shows the increasing number of
voters in the various elections which have taken place in the
occupied areas since 1974:
| Number of Voters in:
|
Date | Population
| General Election | Presidential election
|
20 Oct 74 | 115,758 |
| |
08 Jun 75 | 126,949 |
| |
20 June 76 | 130,136 | 75,724
| |
20 Jul 76 | 130,136 |
| 75,824 |
28 Jun 81 | 151,233 | 84,721
| |
28 Jul 81 | 151,233 |
| 84,721 |
23 Jun 85 | 160,287 | 93,934
| |
09 Jun 85 | 160,287 |
| 95,124 |
22 Apr 90 | 171,469 |
| 103,218 |
26 May 90 | 171,469 | 103,218
| |
13 Oct 91 | 173,224 | 106,303
| |
12 Dec 93 | 177,120 | 108,370
| |
15 Apr 95 | 181,363 |
| 113,398 |
06 Dec 98 | 188,662 | 120,758
| |
15 Apr 00 | 188,662 |
| 126,675 |
| | |
|
3.5.2 In the last census of 15 December 1996 the de facto
population was declared as 200,587 and the de jure population
as 188,662 (Yeni Duzen, 28 November 1997).
Out of this population of 188,662, 82% (164,460) were citizens
of the TRNC, 15% (30,702) were citizens of the Republic of Turkey
and 3% (5,425) were citizens of third countries. But no data was
given about those who were citizens of both the TRNC and the Republic
of Turkey or about those whose parents were born in Cyprus. The
indigenous Turkish Cypriots are already a minority in the occupied
north and their number is estimated at around 80,000. The numbers
of those with double citizenship (TRNC and TR) already exceed
those of the Turkish Cypriots. (Ahmet An, "The status of
the mainland Turkish population transferred to Cyprus", Afrika,
3, 4, and 5 September 2003).
3.6 Who Can Be a Voter?
3.6.1 According to Article 8(1) of the Law of Election
and Referendum of the TRNC (No.5/1976), those who are registered
in the Permanent Voters' List, whose names appear on the Ballot
Box Voters' List and who are over 18 years old can vote. The first
"Citizenship Law" of 1975 was amended in 1993 (Law No.
25/1993) so that persons coming from Turkey would receive the
TRNC citizenship more easily. Everyone who came from Turkey and
settled in the occupied areas was given a TRNC identity card.
3.6.2 In the "Citizenship Law" of the TRNC
(No. 25/1993) there are articles which grant citizenship to foreigners
by marriage (Article 7), by residency (Article 8), and by decision
of the Cabinet (Article 9).
3.6.3 An amendment was made in 1998 (Law No. 12/98) to
the effect that the Voter Rolls would be updated every three months
with the newcomers and outgoers.
3.7 Official findings of the Parliamentary Commission
There were certain irregularities in the elections of 1990
when the amended Electoral Law was abused. That is why the TRNC
parliament formed a special commission to look into these complaints.
The findings were as follows:
"Just before the election the Electoral Law
was amended in a way that does not fit the spirit of democracy
and democratic pluralism.
Despite election time regulations, BRTK (Radio
and TV of the TRNC) and TRT (Radio and TV of Turkey) made illegal
broadcasts.
There have been illegal broadcasts using the government
radio and television transmitters and reflectors, which affected
the result of the 1990 elections. This happened although only
the broadcasts read and endorsed by the Supreme Electoral Council
were supposed to have been allowed.
Local and foreign newspapers published articles
on election day that are viewed as interference in the elections.
In order to gain political advantage civil servants
were irregularly paid advance salaries one week before the elections.
There has been domestic and foreign interference
in the elections which changed their fate.
Just before election day and on election day itself,
the Immigration Department was opened and citizenships and identity
cards were issued. This is considered direct interference in the
elections.
Security Forces joined in acts of flyer and banner
destruction, which fall outside their duties.
Citizens doing their military service are allowed
to cast their votes at the voting center closest to their station.
However, when the political parties demanded the voter roll plus
an account of the districts where such citizens normally vote,
they were rebuffed. Therefore, there are well-grounded rumors
suggesting that there has been double casting by these people.
Some candidates were attacked, beaten and their
cars were damaged.
The Supreme Electoral Council does not operate
continuously; therefore some people who are not citizens or voters
were included in the voter roll and casted votes.
Foreign officials came to our country and visited
villages and advised Turkish Cypriot citizens. This amounted to
interference in the elections. (M.A. No. 1:1.1.94)"
* Reference: Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC),
Parliamentary Investigation Committee, 4 June 1997. Report
on the 1990 Elections, (M.A.NO: 1/1/94).
3.8. Complaints by the Turkish Cypriot Parties about the
changing Demographic Structure
3.8.1 The Republican Turkish Party (CTP) applied to the
Supreme Court yesterday in order to open two cases about the illegal
citizenships granted to 1,600 persons since the last local election
of 30 June 2002. (Ortam, 13 March 2003)
3.8.2 The Patriotic Union Movement (YBH) started a campaign
at the CoE against the participation of the mainland settlers
in the forthcoming elections of 14 December 2003. Hayati Yasamsal,
the President of the Turkish Cypriot Rights and Freedoms Association,
also a member of the YBH, visited Strasbourg and met Alvaro Gil
Robles, Commissioner for Human Rights of the CoE, and members
of the Committee for Immigration, Refugees and Population. He
handed over a memorandum of the YBH which complained that the
number of the mainland Turkish settlers exceeded those of the
local Turkish Cypriots in the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus.
(EU-News, Yeni Duzen, 25 June 2003)
3.8.3 YBH applied to the European Court of Human Rights
seeking (i) a new and internationally observed census in the occupied
north, and (ii) a stop to the granting of citizenships to the
Turkish settlers. (Ortam, 16 July 2003)
3.8.4 Alpay Durduran, Secretary of the YBH for Foreign
Relations, called a press conference giving information about
his party's application to the European Court of Human Rights.
(See text in Yeni Duzen, 19 August 2003)
3.8.5 CTP filed a complaint, this time against the Cabinet,
the Ministry of Interior, Rural Affairs and Construction, and
the Supreme Electoral Council of the TRNC on 10 March 2003 over
1,600 persons who got the TRNC citizenship between 1 July 2002
and 19 February 2003. The State Attorney declared that the number
of new TRNC citizens created by cabinet decision was 225 since
the last local elections. Among them were Turkish pop singer Murat
Gogebakan, Prof Dr Kaya Ozkin, Mayor of Ankara Sinan Aygun, businessman
and the leader of the Liberal Party of Turkey Besim Tibuk, and
Turkish businessman Jack Kamhi; none of these persons permanently
resides in the TRNC. (Kibris, 29 August 2003; for the full list
see Kibris, 28 August 2003)
3.8.6 Afrika reported on 7 August 2003 that the TRNC
government mobilized as the date of the general elections in December
2003 drew closer. The Identity Cards Department was very crowded
and the Prime Ministry of the TRNC ordered the printing of 50,000
Identity Cards in Turkey which would not have the "place
of birth" indication in order to facilitate Turkish settlers'
access to the free areas of Cyprus. (Kibris, 21 August 2003; see
also the Official Gazette of 18 August 2003 which published Cabinet
Decision E-1626-2003. The order would cost 8 billion TL without
a tender.)
3.8.7 The President of the Peace and Democracy Movement
(BDH), Mustafa Akinci, sent a letter to Mr Walter Schwimmer, the
Secretary-General of the CoE, and asked for the implementation
of a Resolution passed by the CoE for a reliable census to be
taken in the occupied areas. Mr Akinci wrote a letter also to
Mr Abdullah Gul, Foreign Minister of Turkey, asking for an end
to be put to the granting of new citizenships before the forthcoming
general elections and informing him about certain instances of
interference in the election campaigu. The military commanders
made political speeches to civilians asking for military mobilization
meetings. Mr Denktashh led a meeting in the Karpas region together
with the Turkish Ambassador to the TRNC and the Commander of the
Security Forces, allegedly discussing economic policy measures.
(Kibris, 27 August 2003; for the full text of the letter to Mr
Gul see Afrika, 27 August 2003)
3.8.8 Yeni Duzen published the copy of a letter written
by the Immigration Officer of the TRNC and dated 25 March 2003,
per which the Security Forces had asked for a Turkish citizen
of Izmit to become a TRNC citizen even though that person did
not have a valid passport or work permit. (Yeni Duzen, 12 September
2003)
3.8.9 The Secretary-General of the CTP, Ferdi Sabit,
asked in the TRNC parliament why the list of the thousands of
new citizenships granted by cabinet decision (Date: 2 July 2003,
No. 1322-02 and Date: 27 August 2003, No. 1848-03) had not been
published in the Official Gazette of the TRNC. Mr Sabit said that
the President of the TRNC, Mr Rauf Denktashh, had sent a supplementary
list of 854 persons whose ancestors were supposed to be Turkish
Cypriots to the Voters' Registry of the Ministry of Interior.
There was no answer to his questions. (Kibris and Yeni Duzen,
13 September 2003)
3.8.10 The list of 101 persons who were made citizens
by decision of the Cabinet (E-1322-2003) on 2 July 2003 was published
following a two-and-a-half month delay in the Official Gazette,
dated 19 September 2003, No. 117. (See Afrika, 23 September 2003
and Kibris, 25 September 2003)
3.8.11 A secret naturalization list with 299 names was
published a few days later in Yeni Duzen; the list included the
names of artists, TV stars, ex-ministers and bureaucrats, their
wives and sportsmen from Turkey, a great majority of whom were
not residing in the TRNC. (Yeni Duzen, 25 September 2003)
3.8.12 YBH made a new representation to the European
Court of Human Rights: "Since our last application, the military-civil
administration of Turkey and their representatives in Cyprus continue
their wrongdoings in violation of international lawwrongdoings
which were brought before the Court." The PUM sent another
letter to the European Court of Human Rights asking for the discussion
of the matter before the elections of 14 December. (Yeni Duzen,
7 October 2003)
3.8.13 The PUM stated officially that the party would
not participate in the elections of 14 December 2003: "The
PUM will not accept this election and its results which will redecorate
the window designed by the rulers and which will be contrary to
international law. We call on our people to adopt this struggle."
(Yeni Duzen, 9 October 2003)
3.9 First guess as to the number of Voters
3.9.1 The speaker of the Supreme Electoral Council, Mrs
Ruhsan Borak, declared that about 137,500 voters would be voting
in the forthcoming general elections. In the elections of 30 June
2002 the number of registered voters had been 133,943. An increase
of 3,600 voters was estimated. About 1,700 were persons who had
reached the age of 18 and would be voting for the first time;
about 1,900 were new citizens, most of them residing uninterruptedly
for more than five years in the TRNC. (Kibris, 22 September 2003)
3.10 Rush of the "New Citizens" to get their
Identity Cards
3.10.1 Afrika reported on 7 October 2003 that about 300
employees of a casino had crowded the building of the General
Headquarters of the Police Force in Nicosia to get their certificates
of "good character." Yeniduzen and Kibris wrote on 7
October 2003 that "new citizens" waiting in queue to
get their identity cards at the Immigration Office in Nicosia
had quarrelled among themselves and the police had to intervene.
Kibris, under the title "Citizenship Scandal", reported
that more than 200 persons had visited the Immigration Office
and one of them complained: "I've been in Cyprus since 1996
and I could not get my citizenship, but those who came three days
or two months ago, can get it". The crowd was the same also
in the Outpatient Department of the State Hospital, which used
to have no more than 10 visitors a day, but now has 300-400 persons
applying for "Health Certificates," this amounting to
more than 5,000 persons in a week.
3.l0.2 The Civil Servants' Trade Union (KTAMS) went on
a two-hour- strike at the Immigration Office after the head of
the Office had a heart attack and the other civil servants complained
of being under pressure to register hundreds of new citizens before
the 15 October deadline. (Kibrisli, Yeni Duzen and Halkin Sesi,
10 October 2003)
3.10.3 Mehmet Albayrak, the Minister of Interior, Rural
Affairs and Settlement, stated on Kibris FM Radio that he was
not aware of all citizenship grants, especially those made by
decision of the Cabinet. (Kibris, 10 October 2003)
3.11 Another Appeal to the Supreme Court
3.11.1 The political parties protested again against
the granting of citizenships in abundance before 15 October. For
example the Chairman of the Peace and Democracy Party, Mustafa
Akinci, applied to the Supreme Court against the Ministry of Interior.
He asked for the striking out of those who were granted citizenship
after 12 March 2003. The party's advocate told the press that
3,500 persons were given citizenship since March-April 2003. (Kibris,
11 October 2003)
3.11.2 Even the Deputy Prime Minister, Serdar Denktashh,
admitted that the granting of new citizenships caused trouble
and should be stopped immediately. On the other hand he said the
following at a press conference: "They are all our citizens
who have been waiting for months and years to be registered. The
Annanist parties make a fuss about the changing of the demographic
structure. We have 137,000 voters. Assuming this number were to
rise to 139,000, why are they afraid if all 80,000 persons at
the demonstration were their supporters?" (Halkin Sesi and
Kibrisli, 11 October 2003)
3.11.3 Dervis Eroglu, the Prime Minister, stated that
his party has a high number of supporters and did not need new
citizens. Since 1998 citizenship was granted to 1,500 persons,
whereas during the DP-CTP coalition government more than 2,500
persons had become citizens in 34 months. (Kibris, 12 October
2003)
3.11.4 Rauf Denktashh, the President of the TRNC, told
the correspondent of the Anatolia News Agency in Istanbul that
many people had waited for years to become citizens. He added
that a legal answer would be given to the opposition parties which
had seen that they would lose the elections and wanted to put
Turkey, the TRNC and the forthcoming elections under suspicion
by focusing media coverage on the new citizens. (Kibris, 12 October
2003)
3.12 Patriotic Union Movement
3.12.l The Patriotic Union Movement issued a statement
criticizing the policy of the opposition parties on the citizenship
question, saying: "These parties did not give any support
to our complaint to the European Court of Human Rights (about
the illegal settlers brought from mainland Turkey) and they accepted
the number of 137,500 voters as legal. Now they complain over
an additional few thousand voters or they send a letter of complaint
to the Council of Europe." (Afrika, 14.10.200.)
3.13 A Protest Against the Granting of New Citizenships
3.13.1 15 trade unions belonging to the "This country
is ours" platform staged a protest march with hundreds of
people plus a two-hour strike in Nicosia against the granting
of new citizenships. Later a letter of protest was handed to Taner
Erginel, the Chairman of the Supreme Court and the Supreme Electoral
Council, condemning the obstruction of the reflection of the people's
will in the ballot. The trade unions of the Teachers for Secondary
and Elementary Schools demonstrated before the Ministry of Education,
protesting the Minister's wrongdoings. (Kibris and Yeni Duzen,
15 October 2003)
3.13.2 Mehmet Ali Talat, President of the Republican
Turkish Party (CTP), spoke at a press conference about the granting
of new citizenship a "quarter of an hour before the elections"
and reminded all of the party's appeal to the Supreme Electoral
Council. He declared that the number of voters was estimated as
137,500 on 30 September 2003 and continued saying: "This
number increased by 1,700 persons who were granted citizenship
by regular procedures and 1,900 persons who were granted citizenship
by decision of the Cabinet. This increase is not seen in any other
country and it is a crime of the government." (Yeni Duzen,
15 October 2003)
3.13.3 Mustafa Akinci, President of the Peace and Democracy
Movement (BDH), accused Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan
at a meeting in Mallorka, complaining before the international
delegations that Turkey should stop Denktashh's regime and his
supporters who continue to grant new citizenships every day to
those who came from Turkey and changed the demographic structure
of the TRNC electorate. "Stop this interference with our
will!" he said. (Ortam, 19 October 2003)
3.14 Official Nulviber: 140,832
3.14.1 Taner Erginel declared at a press conference that
the number of registered voters including those added one day
ago was 140,832. This number was 134,628 in the last local elections
of June 2002 and it was estimated to be around 137,500 on 19 September
2003. It was not then clear how many voters would be voting on
14 December. (Kibris, 16 October 2003)
3.14.2 Mr Erginel stated that persons who were granted
citizenship between 30 September and 15 October 2003 could be
registered as voters during a forthcoming period. Mr Akinci commented
on Mr Erginel's statement and said that the number of voters in
the local elections one year ago was 134,628 and had increased
by about 7,000 persons. Mr Akinci added that it had been announced
that the number of those who had reached age 18 was actually 1,700
which meant that the Ministry of Interior had granted citizenship
to a great number of persons in-between. They can give this an
appearance of legality, Mr Akinci said, but it is in fact illegal,
which is why the BDH had applied to court for an interim decision.
We don't have the details of those 7,000 citizenships, especially
how they were granted, Mr Akinci concluded. (Kibris, 16 October
2003)
3.14.3 Mehmet Albayrak, the Minister of Interior, confirmed
that in the last two months a lot of citizenships had been granted,
and many people had been employed as civil servants even after
the relevant pre-election deadline. (Kibris, 17 October 2003)
He was to declare later that in the last one-and-a-half months
574 persons had been granted TRNC citizenship.
3.15. Official Number of Citizenships Granted
3.15.4 Mr Albayrak disclosed that the number of citizenships
granted between 1974 and 14 October 2003 totalled 53,904. (Kibris,
23 October 2003)
3.15.5 The details of the citizenships granted after
1994 (numbering 17,293) were given as follows: by cabinet decision:
3,675; by approval of the Ministry of Interior: 7,272; third generation:
2,246; by matrimony: 1,971; citizens of a third country: 1,142;
Bulgarian Turks: 987. (Birlik, 24 October 2003)
3.16. Population Estimates of the TRNC
3.16.1 Serdar Denktashh stated that the population of
the TRNC was 240,000 whereas it was 205,000 according to the census
of 1996 and 182,120 according to the Supreme Electoral Council!
(Afrika, 17 October 2003)
3.16.2 Columnist Arif Hasan Tahsin wrote in Afrika that
Memduh Hoca, one of Afrika's journalists, had learnt from the
Census Department that according to the last census the population
of the Turkish Cypriots was 68,000 and that 50,000 of them were
voters, leaving the number of voters from mainland Turkey at 90,000.
(Afrika, 19 November 2003)
3.16.3 Columnist Yalein Bayer wrote in the mainland Hurriyet
newspaper that the population of the TRNC is 220,000. 120,000
are mainland Turkish settlers. More than 20,000 persons originate
from Turkey's Hatay province. Then come those from the Black Sea
region and Mersin. Out of 141,000 voters, 70,000 are mainland
Turkish settlers. (Hurriyet, 16 December 2003)
3.17 False Identity Cards with False Information
3.17.1 An interesting article appeared in the press:
A mainland settler, Bahri Unsal, was noticed at the Ledra Palace
check-point with an ID bestowed by the TRNC with a false name,
date of birth and birthplace, issued on 14 March 2003. Another
settler, Seyithan Tunc, was not allowed to cross the Green Line
with a false ID. His birthplace appeared as Akarsu-Paphos, whereas
the settler answered that he was from Mardin/Turkey and that Paphos
was a place in Mardin! (Afrika, 22.10.03 and Yeni Duzen, 23.10.03)
3.17.2 Some new citizens born in Palestine (four), Egypt
(five), Mekka (two), Limassol (two), Sivas (one), Katar (one),
Bursa (one), Erdek (one), Silifke (one), Nicosia (one), and Algiers
(one) had Mr Mustafa Tokay's address as their place of residence.
Mr Tokay was the Adviser to the Prime Minister. There was no comment
by either Mr Tokay or Mr Eroglu about this or about whether Mr
Tokay's home had been turned into a mansion. (Yeni Duzen, 31.10.03)
3.17.3 On the other hand, a multi-communal Cypriot study
group about "Women in the Cypriot communities" scrutinized
the Permanent Voter Roll and discovered that 50 voters out of
600 selected at random did not reside at their declared address.
(Ortam, 11.11.03)
3.17.4 The District Electoral Council of Famagusta ordered
the arrest of two muhtars who had issued false certificates of
residence. Various objections to the Voter Rolls resulted in the
exclusion of 628 persons from them (Nicosia: 481, Famagusta: 83,
Guzelyurt: 43 and Iskele: 21 persons). (Yeni Duzen and Kibris,
18.11.03)
3.18 The Would-be Number of Voters without the "New
Citizens"
3.18.1 A study was published in Yeni Duzen with some
information gathered from the Permanent Voter Roll of the Supreme
Electoral Council in September 2003:
Number of voters in June 2002 | 133,652
|
Died between June 2002-September 2003 | 1,131
|
Those died who were not voters in June 2002
| 16 |
Number of voters in September 2003 | 137,011
|
| |
3.18.2 This means that there was an increase of 3,871
persons registered as voters, whereas the head of the Supreme
Electoral Council declared that until 30 September 2003, 473 persons
had been granted new citizenship! His explanation was that some
people who had the right to vote had not been registered in the
lists, had applied later and had been registered! It means that
about 3,500 citizens had not voted since 1998 although they had
the right to do so and they applied over the past one month to
get registered! (Yeni Duzen, 1.11.03)
3.19 Court Challenges
3.19.1 During the court hearing in the case brought by
the BDH it was revealed that the Council of Ministers took a decision
on 24 September 2003 (E-2125-2003) to grant citizenship to 1,563
persons in one day and it was decided not to publish this decision
in the Official Gazette of the TRNC. (Afrika, 4.11.03) The BDH's
lawyer stated that the Council of Ministers granted citizenship
to more than 2,000 persons in two meetings of the Cabinet in September
2003. (Kibris, 5.11.03) Only 387 of them had received their certificate
of citizenship. (Ortam, 11.11.03)
3.19.2 One day later the court delivered its interim
decision in the case brought by the CTP and ruled that 200 out
of 301 persons granted citizenship between 30 June 2002 and April
2003 could not vote in the elections of 14 December 2003. (Yeni
Duzen, 5.11.03; for the list of those 200 names see Kibris, 6.11.03)
3.19.3 The TAK news agency published data from the Supreme
Electoral Council indicating that 3,773 new applications were
made for entry into the Voter Roll and 1,228 objections were made
to various voters, which were published in the Official Gazette.
The candidacy of Mr Oguz Kalelioglu, President of the KAP (Cyprus
Justice Party), was declared invalid since he did not fulfill
the condition of having resided in the TRNC for three years prior
to lodging his candidacy.
3.20 Akinci's Letter to Erdogan and Gul
3.20.1 BDH leader Mustafa Akinci handed a letter and
documents to the Prime Minister of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
who was visiting the TRNC and met the opposition leaders at the
Saray Hotel in Nicosia. In his letters to Mr Erdogan and Mr Gul,
Akinci referred to the fact that the number of additions to the
Voter Roll between 1993 and 1998 was 12,136, whereas this number
was 23,848 between 1998 and 2003. Although the Protocols signed
between Turkey and the TRNC stated that employment in the civil
service would be frozen, the government parties had employed more
than 1,500 persons for the sake of gaining political advantage.
(Kibris, 17.11.03)
3.20.2 Mustafa Akinci gave the same information to the
Commission of Foreign Relations and Human Rights of the European
Parliament on 18 November 2003 where he was visiting together
with the leaders of the CTP and CABP. (Afrika, 19.11.03)
3.21 The Final Voter Roll
3.21.1 Taner Erginel, Head of the Supreme Electoral Council,
announced on 25 November 2003 that the final number of voters
who were entitled to vote was 141,471, 639 more than the number
of 140,832 which had been announced before. As a result of objections,
862 persons were excluded from the list with the approval of the
Council. (Kibris and Afrika, 26.11.03)
3.21.2 Yeni Duzen newspaper published the statement above
with the following list on 26 November 2003:
Year | Total number of voters
| Increase | Percentage
|
1976 | 75,824 |
| |
1981 | 84,721 | 8,897
| 11.73 |
1985 | 95,124 | 10,403
| 12,28 |
1990 | 103,218 | 8,094
| 8.51 |
1991 | 106,303 | 3,085
| 2.99 |
1993 | 108,622 | 2,319
| 2.18 |
1998 | 120,758 | 12,136
| 11.17 |
September 2003 | 137,500 |
16,742 | |
October 2003 | 140,832 |
3,332 | |
November 2003 | 141,471 |
639 | 17.17 |
| | |
|
3.22 Influence of Turkey during the Election Period
3.22.1 It is a well-known fact that in the aftermath
of 1974 Turkey started a policy of Turkification of the northern
occupied part of Cyprus. Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktashh
was the main culprit in the implementation of this policy. Erdal
Andiz, a columnist of Kibrisli newspaper, wrote the following
about the influx of the mainland Turkish settlers right after
1974. When he heard that mainland Turkish settlers would be brought
to the occupied areas he rushed to Denktashh's residence and complained
to him: "Denktashh sipped from his glass of whisky cold-bloodedly
and told me: "You will be a Turk." I reacted immediately
and said: "They can come here today because I am a Turk."
Denktashh retorted in the same cold-blooded manner: "Then
you will be more Turkish." (Kibrisli, 29.6.2001)
3.22.2 There has been no change in this policy over the
last 30 years. As the Turkish Cypriots left the island for good,
mainland Turkish settlers came to settle so as to Turkify the
occupied areas. When a delegation of the "This country is
ours" platform visited the Prime Minister of Turkey on 30
January 2003 in Ankara, Mr Erdogan responded to the criticism
that the Turkish Cypriots are emigrating abroad: "There will
be no emigration. If all leave, we have enough people here. We
shall send them over." (See Halil Pasa, Afrika, 25.5.2003)
3.23 Activities of the Psychological Warfare Department
3.23.1 Ali Bayramoglu, a columnist of the Yeni Safak
newspaper of Turkey, wrote: "We do not know in full detail
the extent of the initiatives of the National Security Council
and the Psychological Warfare Department of the General Staff
Presidium. But we know something. One of them is the Falcon Psychological
Warfare Plan. In a report under the name `Activities and projects
executed by the Executive Directory after the formation of the
Psychological Warfare Department', it was underlined that this
plan is being implemented with the contribution of the Psychological
Warfare Department of the General Staff Presidium under the National
Security Council, in order to stop the dissemination of the `idea
of Cypriotism' in the Turkish Cypriot sector of Cyprus. It targets
the press and broadcasting organs together with the Turkish Cypriot
community, irrespective of who might be in power at a given time.
With the help of this plan, the formation of political ideas is
obstructed and activities were guided as the opposition was put
out of circulation." (Yeni Safak, 30.8.03)
3.23.2 According to the allegations of various columnists,
6 teams of psychological warfare were active in the Karpas region
propagandizing against the Annan Plan and the European Union.
Officers in civilian clothes who said they were from the Public
Relations Department of the Security Forces Command paid visits
to some villages in that area where the settlers live. (From the
Kibris Postasi webpage, Yeni Duzen, 31.8.03)
3.24 A Newcomer: The Cyprus Justice Party (KAP)
3.24.1 A retired army officer, Oguz Kalelioglu, who was
a mainland Turkish commander in Famagusta during the Turkish invasion
of 1974, was sent to Cyprus before the start of the election campaign
in order to form a political party which would guide the political
will of the Turkish settlers, mainly living in Famagusta district.
Kalelioglu was said to be one of the officers who had worked for
the National Security Council in the past (Fatih Gullapoglu, Tanksiz
Topsuz Harekat, Tekin Yayinevi, Istanbul, p.94-1 12) and later
for the "State Department for Religious Affairs." (Murat
Yetkin, Radikal, 30.8.2003)
3.24.2 The Cyprus Justice Party (KAP) was established
on S Jnne 2003 under the leadership of Oguz Kalelioglu and its
headquarters was opened in Nicosia. (Kibris, 2.9.03)
3.24.3 The candidacy of Mr Kalelioglu was cancelled by
the Supreme Electoral Council because he did not fulfill the necessary
residency requirement. Another six KAP candidates withdrew their
names before the elections took place. (Kibris, 13.12.03)
3.25. Some Disillusioned Settlers
3.25.1 Letter to the editor by Mehmet Bogachan: "After
assessing the situation we have realised that we have always been
used as an electoral pawn. Maybe we have realized this too late,
but I would like to remind you of the proverb that it is gainful
to turn from one's mistakes." (Halkin Sesi, 16.5.03)
3.25.2 President of the Veterans' Association of the
Cyprus Turkish Peace Forces, Sadan Turkkan: "We have 1,200
members, plus 5,000 honorary members; 82 members of our association
have the ID of the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration,
but they have not been granted the TRNC citizenship yet."
(Kibris, 10.7.03)
3.25.3 President of the Refugees Association of the TRNC,
Assistant Prof. Dr. Nuri Cevikel: "We have been exploited
in the last 29 years. We have been used by the state authorities.
The mainland Turkish sector in the TRNC has lived through a shock.
Those who got into power with our help, they will use us during
the elections and later we shall be thrown into the dustbin. As
citizens of mainland Turkish origin, we don't want to be used
any more. We want human rights and the rule of law." (Kibris,
26.7.03)
3.25.4 President of the Refugees Association of the TRNC,
Assistant Prof Dr Nuri Cevikel: "We represent today one-third
of the Turkish population of the island who were brought in with
thousands of promises from various parts of Anatolia since 1975."(Kibris,
25.8.03)
3.26 Direct Financial Influence of the Turkish Government
3.26.1 According to a report by NTVMSNBC, the Turkish
government budgeted financial aid in the amount of 120 trillion
TL for November and December 2003. One-third of the budget of
the TRNC is supplied by Turkey and Turkey gives a maximum of 60
trillion TL every month. Recently, this amount dipped below 60
trillion. Because of the approaching elections the sum of 120
trillion was given the "go ahead." Already in August
2003 the salaries of the civil servants and pensioners were raised
and new personnel were employed by the state, this being reflected
in the budget of 2004. The increase in financial aid was assessed
by the opposition as indicating support for the Denktashh Administration.
(Ortam, 3.12.03). Mr Hasipoglu, Famagusta MP, stated in Parliament
that these extra jobs from the 03 Salary Scheme would cost net
5 trillion TL to the state according to the budget of 2004. (Kibris,
27.9.03)
3.26.2 It was reported on 4 December that Abdullatif
Sener, Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister Responsible for
Cypriot Affairs, would visit the TRNC with another two or three
Ministers bringing money before the forthcoming elections in support
of the TRNC government. Prime Minister Erdogan intervened and
only Mr Sener went to the TRNC on the condition of making balanced
statements. (Murat Yetkin, Radikal, 9.12.03) Mr Sener stated that
his visit had nothing to do with the election campaign and Turkey
would continue to support development projects with the 160 million
dollars agreed upon on 24 September 2001. (Kibris 8.12.03 and
Halkin Sesi, 7.12.03)
3.26.3 Mr Sener also took part in the foundation-laying
ceremony of a tourist complex and a hotel which will cost 45 million
dollars and which will be built in the Bafra/Karpas region. The
local Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Engineers and Architects and
the Union of Constructors protested that the construction plans
had not been officially licensed.
3.27 Other Visitors from Turkey
3.27.1 Aside from Prime Minister Erdogan and Mr Sener,
many other politicians (Deniz Baykal, leader of the Republican
People's Party; Dogu Perincek, leader of the Workers' Party; Oya
Akgunen and Atif Ozbey from the Happiness Party, Saadettin Tantan,
exMinister; Mustafa Kemal Zeybek, ex-Minister; Sinan Aygun, Chairman
of the Ankara Chamber of Commerce accompanied by a delegation
of 125 persons that distributed pro-Denktashh leaflets (Mr Aygun
was granted TRNC citizenship before, but he was amongst those
who were not allowed to vote, because his residence was not in
the TRNC); trade-unionists (from Turk-Is, Kamu-Sen); and retired
army personnel (Yasar Spor, Kemal Yavuz, Gultekin Alpugan at the
head of a delegation of ex-officers) visited the TRNC to support
the existing regime before and during the election campaign. (See
various Turkish Cypriot newspapers)
3.27.2 Even the advertising company which had helped
the AKP win the elections in Turkey, Arter Reklam Cilik, was helping
Mr Eroglu, the Prime Minister of the TRNC, in the election campaign
of his governing National Unity Party. (Hurriyet, 5.12.03)
3.27.3 Ordinary people were brought in from Turkey to
attend the meetings of the UBP. It was reported that seven buses
full of such people were carried by ferry-boat to Famagusta and
the expenses were paid by Mustafa Ozbek, leader of the Turkish
Metal-Sen Trade Union. (Kibris, 11.12.03)
3.27.4 Kibris reported that the UBP hired people from
the poor quarters of Nicosia, eg Kaimakli and the old city, for
20 million TL to populate the Ataturk Stadium during the music
festival of the UBP. (Kibris, 21.11.03)
3.28 Military Interference
3.28.1 Alpay Durduran, Secretary for Foreign Relations
of the YBH, commented on the Turkish Foreign Minister's speech
that the elections in Cyprus should be democratic. Mr Durduran
stated that the armed civil servants of Turkey and the politicians
who were elected with the help of Turkey threaten both the political
parties and the press. They have all the means to implement their
threats. They only look for the appropriate time. We have not
forgotten that they executed their threats in the past. Therefore
the Turkish government has to tell them that the military should
not interfere in politics. (Afrika, 18.8.03)
3.28.2 Ortam reported that a Turkish general together
with some 15-20 officers visited the village of Yorgoz (Tepebasi).
The imam of the village used the loud-speakers of the mosque to
inform the villagers that the commander of the 39th Regiment would
come to the village at 14.00 hours and talk to them. They should
be ready at the village square in front of the coffee-shop. The
general visited the village together with other officers in sports
clothes and told the villagers that the Turkish Cypriots and Greek
Cypriots could not live together and that the Turkish Army was
the true guarantor of the security of the Turkish Cypriots. (Ortam,
20.11.03)
3.28.3 Ortam reported three days later under the title
"That's enough!" that another officer, Commander of
the 4th Infantry Brigadier Mustafa Erguven, spoke during a ceremony
for the new conscripts saying that those Turkish Cypriots who
support a solution to the Cyprus Problem were enemy collaborators.
(Ortam, 23.11.03)
3.28.4 The complaint of the BDH to the Kyrenia District
Electoral Council about the event in Yorgoz was answered through
a letter (No. 65/2003, dated 20.11.03) as follows: "We do
not have the right to decide about your complaint. If you wish,
you can convey your complaint through your party to the attention
of the Commander of the Turkish Army in Cyprus and/or to the Supreme
Electoral Council." (Ortam, 24.11.03)
3.28.5 Afrika reported that the occupation army in the
north was being used to garner votes in the forthcoming elections.
Afrika wrote that a 40-page booklet entitled, "The story
of the road that leads to freedom", was distributed to the
Security Forces personnel and the army. The newspaper asked: "Nobody
knows who wrote, printed and distributed the booklet which refers
to "the evils of the Annan Plan and how the legendary leader
Rauf Denktashh saved the Turks in Cyprus." (Afrika, 7.12.03)
3.28.6 Excerpt from a letter sent to the columnist Mebmet
Altan at www.gazetem.net by a 25 year-old Turkish Cypriot unemployed
university graduate: "I would like to refer to an operation
executed in the Karpas regiona region mostly populated
by Turkish settlerson the night before the elections. .
.On that night, the Turkish generals visited the villages in the
Karpas area one by one and told the people that "no vote
would be given to the opposition." Incredible threats were
aired. Words like this were uttered: "If the opposition wins
from the ballot boxes of this region, all of you will be sent
to Turkey." If you look at the distribution of votes by region,
you will see that these threats helped since the opposition received
less than 20% of the vote there." (Ortam, 18.12.03)
3.29 The Role of the Mass Media
3.29.1 Five mainland Turkish TV channels (TRT-1, TRT-2,
Show-TV, ATV, Star-TV) are beamed into Turkish Cypriot homes and
other channels can be received via satellite. Almost all the mass-circulation
newspapers of Turkey are sold in the TRNC. The mainland Turkish
mass media organs were involved in the Turkish Cypriot elections.
The local Turkish Cypriot mass media organs were divided into
two camps: pro-solution and pro-status-quo.
3.29.2 The state TV and Radio Station BRTK is supposed
to be impartial, but is used to propagate the official ideology
of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. While the statements of Rauf
Denktashh, Eroglu and other pro-status quo organizations were
covered in full in the news, the views of the opposition parties
and trade unions were either not mentioned or given minimal coverage.
Avrasya TV is a new TV channel founded by Mustafa Ozbek, the President
of the chauvinist mainland Turkish trade union Metal-Sen. It broadcasts
to 42 countries from Nicosia and its views are close to those
of the pro-establishment leaders in Turkey. Kanal T belongs to
Ersin Tatar, a chauvinist Turkish Cypriot. Akdeniz TV belongs
to Huseyin Macit Yusuf, another chauvinist Turkish Cypriot who
owns also the "Volkan" daily newspaper which supports
Rauf Denktashh and attacks the pro-solution parties on a daily
basis. There are also Radio Guven and Radio Vatan which belong
to the Army and defend the status quo.
3.29.3 On the other hand, there are Kibris TV and Genc
TV, Radios Kibris-FM, First-FM, Sim-FM supporting a solution to
the Cyprus Problem. Below are some election news that appeared
in the mass media:
3.29.3.1 Mrs Dilek Kirci was sacked from Kanal T.
Mrs Kirci was forced by the owner, Ersin Tatar, to support only
the UBP candidates in her programme "People's Assembly."
3.29.3.2 Kanal T censored the statements of Salahi
Karpuzcu, the Muhtar of Gonyeli Yenikent and Ahmet Benli, CTP
candidate in the elections, when they spoke in favor of the Annan
Plan during a programme called "Our Villages." (Kibris,
22.10.03)
3.29.3.3 Ali Tekman, programme presenter at the BRT-Radio
and TV criticized, day in day out, the supporters of the Annan
Plan as "Annanists" and the teachers who demonstrated
for their rights as "black-faced." He aspires to become
a UBP candidate. (Kibris, 22.10.03)
3.29.3.4 The "Press Club" programme of the
Avrasya TV (ART) was interrupted during a live transmission when
the journalist Hasan Kahvecioglu criticized the TV station's news
about the tearing up of a Turkish flag on BDH premises. (Kibris,
28.10.03)
3.29.3.5 Basaran Duzgun, editor of Kibris, and Hasan
Hasturer, a colunmist of the same newspaper, were taken to court
after 223 days because of their articles about the events in Doganci
village. They run the risk of being punished with a total of 21
years' imprisonment. (Kibris, 4.11.03) On the complaint of the
Security Forces Command new cases were opened against journalists
under the pretext that they had humiliated the Security Forces.
The names of the journalists to be tried at the military court
are Basaran Duzgun, Hasan Hasturer, Suleyman Erguclu (Kibris),
Hasan Kahvecioglu, and Mehmet Davulcu (Ortam). Murat Kanatli,
the editor of the Yeni Cag weekly newspaper is also being intimidated
by the police. (Yeni Cag, 7.11.03)
3.29.3.6 President Denktashh commented thus about
the press cases: "If they have broken the law, they will
go to court." (Afrika, 6.11.03)
3.29.3.7 The Supreme Electoral Council warned all
TV and radio stations that it would not punish any of them so
long as they treated all parties equally and did not allow unethical
phone-ins. (Kibris, 6.11.03)
3.29.3.8 Public Opinion Company Verso of Turkey chose
1,500 mainland Turkish settlers out of 2,060 persons it interviewed
for a gallup poll. (Afrika, 10.11.03)
3.29.3.9 The Supreme Electoral Council cautioned four
TV channels (BRT, Avrasya TV, Genc TV and Kibris TV) and put up
a telephone line "Alo 178" for complaints by TV-viewers
and radio-listeners.
3.29.3.10 The Radio and TV Supreme Council of Turkey
(RTUK) cautioned the radio and TV stations in Turkey in favor
of the free formation of public opinion during the elections in
the TRNC and Turkey. (Kibris, 21.11.03)
3.29.3.11 Rauf Denktashh phoned in to TV programme
"Ceviz Kabugu" of the ATV (Turkey) to support the "national
cause." Serdar Denktashh and Mehmet Ali Talat were the guests
of the programme. (Kibris, 2.12.03) The air ticket for Serdar
Denktashh was paid by the Tourism Development Fund of his Ministry
and Mehmet Ali Talat's ticket by ATV. (Yeni Duzen, 9.12.03)
3.29.3.12 Rauf Denktashh took part in a TV programme
of TV8 and supported the government as he criticized the opposition
in the TRNC. (Kibris, 8.12.03)
3.29.3.13 Tahsin Ertugruloglu, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the TRNC, phoned in to a TV programme of Kanal D of
Turkey to humiliate Mehmet Ali Talat. (Kibris, 10.12.03)
3.29.3.14 After the prohibition of the circulation
of "Star" newspaper the previous day, "Radikal"
newspaper of Turkey was prohibited yesterday from circulating
in the TRNC, because of its publication of the results of a public
opinion poll. (Afrika, 11.12.03)
3.29.3.15 Fascist youths blocked the participation
of pro-EU parties in TV discussion programme "Siyaset Meydani"
to be transmitted live from the Near East University in Nicosia
by ATV. (Kibris, 13.12.03)
3.29.3.16 Because it did not heed its warnings, Akdeniz
TV was prohibited from broadcasting by the Supreme Electoral Council
on the morning of the elections until 12.00. (Afrika, 15.12.03)
3.30 The Electoral Law Regulations
What follows is a list of Turkish Cypriot media reports that
refer to instances where the Turkish Cypriot administration did
not abide by its own electoral law and regulations in the weeks
leading up to the 14 December, 2003, elections.
3.30.1 Rauf Denktashh violated the Electoral Law regulations
(Article 80) on the first day of the election campaign when he
spoke against the prospect of signing a peace agreement. (Ortam,
16.10.03)
3.30.2 TAK, the official news agency, continues to publish
the speeches of Mr Denktashh and Mr Eroglu (17.10.03)
3.30.3 The employees of the BRT, State Radio and TV Station,
went on a two-hour strike in protest against the Station which
lost its impartiality and supported only the anti-Annan views
of the governing coalition parties. (Kibris, 24.10.03)
3.30.4 Serdar Denktashh, Deputy Prime Minister, criticized
his partner in the coalition government saying that the UBP had
extended public employment to people to gain political advantage.
(Kibris, 24.10.03)
3.30.5 Rauf Denktashh made a speech against the Annan
Plan at the inauguration ceremony of a mosque in Famagusta. (Afrika,
27. 10.03)
3.30.6 RTP-United Forces (CTP-BG) complained to the Supreme
Electoral Council that Mr Denktashh violated the election prohibitions
with his speech on the occasion of Turkish Republic Day, 29 October.
(See the text of the letter in Yeni Duzen and Kibris, 1.11.03)
3.30.7 The Cabinet distributed 3 86,273,540.426 TL to
various organizations by decision No. 141 of 30.10.03. (Kibris,
1.11.03)
3.30.8 Taner Erginel, Head of the Supreme Electoral Council,
declared that the President of the TRNC was not immune from the
prohibitions of the electoral law. (Afrika, 1.11.03)
3.30.9 The BDH complained against Mr Denktashh at the
Supreme Electoral Council alleging that he broke the rules of
the election campaign. (Kibris, 5.11.03)
3.30.10 CABP (Solution and the EU Party) complained to
the Supreme Electoral Council too. (Kibris, 6.11.03)
3.30.11 Rauf Denktashh: "If there will be elections,
does it mean that everyone will stop talking?" (Kibrisli,
6.11.03)
3.30.12 Taner Erginel: "We invite all authorities
and political parties to exercise self-control." (Kibris,
9.11.03)
3.30.13 The DP rented 4 planes from a private company
in order to transport voters to the TRNC before 14 December. The
UBP reached an agreement with the Cyprus Turkish Airline to transport
its own supporters. (Yeni Duzen, 11.11.03)
3.30.14 The Supreme Electoral Council ordered the UBP
not to use the TRNC or Turkish flags in its propaganda materials.
(Ortam, 20.11.03)
3.30.15 The Ministry of Finance paid the November salaries
earlier because of the coming Bairam holiday. The 13th salary
will be paid on 12 December and the December salary on 30 December.
In 40 days a total of 135 trillion Turkish pounds will be paid
to "boost" the markets. (Afrika, 21.11.03)
3.30.16 The director of the Grain Commission, Omer Alganer,
brought two buses from the Konya District Organization of the
AKP (Erdogan's Party) to be used in the election campaign of the
UBP. The Demirpolat Firm, which has won the tenders of the Grain
Commission since the 1998 elections, paid the rent for the buses
which amounted to 50 billion TL. (Kibris, 22.11.03)
3.30.17 120 parcels of propaganda material for the UBP
went through customs absent official control or taxing. (Yeni
Duzen, 24.11.03)
3.30.18 On the first day of the Bairam the imam of Gonyeli
spoke of the "traitors and enemies among us" in his
sermon in the mosque. (Kibris, 26.11.03)
3.30.19 Some people woke up on the first day of Bairam
to the ringing of their telephones which conveyed the recorded
voice of Eroglu's propaganda for his party. (Kibris, 26.11.03)
3.30.20 Flag provocation by the UBP militants in Hamitkoy
during the election meeting. They tore the Turkish and TRNC flags
and accused the left-wing youth. (Afrika, 1.12.03)
3.30.21 Placards bearing the name "TMT-B" were
left at the headquarters of the CTP-BG and the Residence of the
British High Commissioner by unknown persons. (Kibris, 2.12.03)
3.30.22 The Dipkarpas Municipality distributed cement
and steel bars to the villagers in order to get their votes during
the coming elections. The wife of Prime Minister Eroglu distributed
packets containing one kilo of beef or chicken in the same region.
(Kibris, 3.12.03)
3.30.23 Mr Akinci told a delegation of the Helsinki Citizens'
Assembly (from Turkey) that the election campaign is not being
conducted in a democratic atmosphere. He called attention to the
ongoing amendment of the voter roll, the distribution of jobs,
and a campaign of intimidation. Mr Erel of the Solution and EU
Party told the same delegation that there was interference in
the elections. Even after the deadline for the election prohibitions,
about 1,503 persons were taken into public employment. Many people
were granted citizenships. (Kibris, 6.12.03)
3.30.24 Unknown persons attacked the election advertisements,
party flags, party buildings and cars of the three opposition
parties with paint. (Kibris, 6.12.03)
3.30.25 The Turkish newspapers were unloaded from the
airplane of the Cyprus Turkish Airways and the "cargo of
the Prime Minister" with three tons of election propaganda
was loaded instead. (Afrika and Kibris, 7.12.03)
3.30.26 Two Greek Cypriots and a Turkish Cypriot were
detained on the evening of 8 December 2003 during the political
meeting of the BDH as they were selling newspapers, printed in
Turkish and Greek, demanding that the elections be turned into
a referendum and supporting the left-wing parties. (Kibris, 9.12.03)
3.30.27 The UBP continued to use the flags of the TRNC
and Turkey in breach of the decision of the Supreme Electoral
Council (Kibris, 8.12.03). The Supreme Electoral Council banned
the UBP's leaflets which were contrary to Article 74 of the Electoral
Law. (Kibris, 9.12.03)
3.30.28 The director of the Social Security Department,
Huseyin Kansay, was removed from his post by a decision signed
by the Minister of Labor, Ahmet Kasif, Prime Minister, Dervis
Eroglu and President Rauf Denktashh. Mr Kansay had resisted the
order of the Minister of Labor, who had wanted to register 1,500
persons illegally from the Famagusta and Iskele regions for the
social insurance benefit scheme, contrary to the directive of
the State-Attorney and the State-Auditor. (Yeni Duzen and Ortam,
10.12.03)
3.30.29 Kibris published the list of the newly employed
civil servants: 693 positions filled contrary to the law. (31.8.03)
The KTAMS (Turkish Cypriot Civil Servants' Trade Union) found
out that 1,500 new persons had been employed by the civil service
with permanent status (Salary Scale 03), many of them being university
graduates. In fact this salary scale is for secondary school graduates.
(Halkin Sesi, 10.12.03)
3.30.30 Unsigned leaflets were distributed by unknown
persons within the walls of old Nicosia where settlers live. The
settlers were threatened with being sent back to Turkey if the
opposition parties won the elections. (Yeni Duzen, 11.12.03)
3.30.31 The case brought by the BDH about the granting
of citizenship to about 2,000 persons will be examined by the
Supreme Court in January 2004. (Kibris, 12.12.03)
3.30.32 Propagandist groups were used yesterday during
Friday prayers in the Degirmenlik (Kythrea) mosque, denouncing
people who were for a solution of the Cyprus Problem. An ex-Minister
from Turkey, Saadettin Tantan, was among the speakers. (Ortam,
13.12.03)
3.31 Observations of the Oslo Group
3.31.1 During the period leading up to the December 14
elections the Turkish Cypriot opposition, fearing that the Denktashh
regime would not conduct fair elections, called for international
observers. No proper international monitoring of the elections
was however able to be organized. Nevertheless some unofficial
monitoring was conducted by individual NGOs during the actual
course of the elections. What follows are references in the Turkish
and Greek Cypriot press to such attempts at monitoring the December
14 elections.
3.31.2 Under the title "We have some concerns regarding
the elections", Kibris (17.12.03) published statements made
by the representatives of the Oslo University Law Faculty group
who had gone to occupied Cyprus to unofficially observe the 14
December election. Aanund Hylland, Gunner M Karlsen and Elisabeth
Rasmusson, the members of the Oslo group, issued a statement stressing
that the illegal Bayrak (BRT) television station had wrongly portrayed
their view of the elections during a report broadcast in the evening
of 15 December. According to the observers, Bayrak broadcast pictures
of them together with other foreigners at the office of Mr Taner
Erginel, chairman of the Supreme Electoral Council. In its report
Bayrak said that the observers had stated that the "elections
were just and free" implying that everybody who was in the
room agreed. The Oslo group noted that the person who had made
this statement did not belong to their group and pointed out that
they wanted to be clear that they did not approve of such views.
The members of the Oslo group expressed their sorrow over the
fact that the Bayrak report had aired none of their views on important
issues. Noting that Clement Dodds, Michael Steven (former Member
of the British Parliament and lawyer), and the British-Helsinki
Human Rights Group, who had said that the elections were well-organised,
have been on the island for only four days, Mrs Elizabeth Rasmusson
noted that this was not enough time for someone who wanted to
express a reliable opinion on the election procedure. Mrs Rasmusson
recalled that Mr Michael Steven possesses (Greek Cypriot) property
in northern Cyprus. Referring to Mr Dodds, Mrs Rasmusson said
that he has written a book about northern Cyprus, but that he
is not an expert in observing elections. Therefore, these two
persons could not assess the elections, she added. Mrs Rasmusson
said that in January 2004 her group would prepare a report, which
would include reliable documents and information acquired in the
course of their research during their long stay in northern Cyprus.
The written statement of the three members of the Oslo group contains,
inter alia, the following: "There are some concerns about
the elections in northern Cyprus. In this press release there
are only some preliminary elements. BRT created a wrong impression
regarding our views in its reportage on 15 December in the evening.
Our main concern is that BRT with its reportages supported the
ruling parties and it was prejudiced. As a state institution BRT,
under the principles of the constitution of the TRNC and international
law, bears the responsibility of serving the people without prejudice
and without taking sides. The observation we made of the main
news bulletins of BRT shows that these obligations were violated."
The statement referred to the arbitrarily granted citizenships
and then added: "There were allegedly pressures on the voters
so that they would support some specific political parties. These
could create an atmosphere, which is not consistent with independent
elections." (Republic of Cyprus, PlO)
3.31.3 Norwegian observers suspicious over election turnout:
"The large number of voters in last Sunday's elections in
the north compared to the last elections has raised suspicions
of `voter production', according to a Norwegian group. In their
preliminary findings, a group of observers from the University
of Oslo observed `claims regarding pressure on voters to support
specific parties', creating an atmosphere `opposing the procedure
of free elections'. The observers said procedures were inadequate
and give rise to objections regarding the voter roll. The group
accused the Turkish Cypriot television station Bayrak of biased
representations as well as of failing to broadcast their serious
observations concerning the elections. The observers further commented
that Bayrak's news bulletins had been biased in favor of the ruling
parties instead of being impartial, which would have better served
the public interest. The observers' final findings will be published
at a later date." (Article written by George Psyllides, Cyprus
Mail, 19.12.03)
CONCLUSION
The political regime in northern Cyprus is an example of
a situation where the institutions and practices of democracy
conceal the absence of democratic substance. What has happened
in northern Cyprus over the last thirty years is an attempt to
legitimate the institutions of the occupation regime by giving
them the appearance of democracy and the form of representative
government. Yet the institutions in question do not fulfil the
fundamental function of democracy, which is to give expression
to the will of the legitimate electoratethe Turkish Cypriots!
What often escapes the casual observer is that the important
"democratic" exercises in northern Cyprus are controlled
through an elaborate but concealed network of people and practices
that lead back to Ankara. There is still in place an obscure structure
that ensures that the decisive voice in the north is that of the
National Security Council which rules Turkey. This has not been
changed by the result of the 2003 elections. To change, it must
first be exposed.
Turkey's role in Cyprus shows no sign of abatement and merits
no positive consideration from the European Union. It is a state
of affairs that is not conducive to Turkey's European aspirations
or to the prospect of a fair and lasting solution to the Cyprus
Problem. In the final analysis, unless and until Turkey dismantles
its insidious mechanisms of control in north Cyprus any inter-communal
settlement that follows the parameters of the Annan Plan will
be impossible because it will threaten to place a reunified Cyprus
under Turkish influence and ultimate control.
The European Union should in no way help legitimise Turkey's
grip over northern Cyprus. Indeed all efforts should be focused
on ensuring a process of real democratisation of the Turkish Cypriot
community. Indeed it is the responsibility of the European Union
in a new European environment to help Turkish Cypriots escape
the controlling hand of Ankara and freely participate in Cyprus'
European future.
This objective is perhaps the most important prerequisite
for a truly workable and lasting solution to the Cyprus Problem.
There should therefore be no rewards for actions that are meant
to obscure the real nature of the northern Cyprus political regime,
or for attempts to obscure the real nature of Turkish intentions
regarding Cyprus.
The findings of this report should give pause to those who
look forward to an early resolution of the Cyprus problem in the
context of Cyprus accession to the EU. This report puts the whole
idea of a European solution of the Cyprus dispute in serious doubt
unless certain fundamental issues are properly and squarely addressed.
Such issues relate to the role that Turkey intends to play in
Cyprus as well as the kind of power and influence that Turkey
intends to exercise over the Turkish Cypriots.
Annex I
POLITICAL PARTIES IN NORTHERN CYPRUS
Shortly after the division of the island in the wake of the
Turkish invasion of 1974, the Turkish Cypriot administration tried
to improve its institutions of self-government. Its efforts initially
met with some success, especially as regards the formation of
a legislative body.
In its current form this body has 50 members chosen through
electoral contests occurring every five years. Political parties
must obtain at least 5% of the total vote to gain entry to the
legislature. Voters are able to choose candidates from different
parties in five electoral districts, namely Nicosia (16 legislators),
Famagusta (13 legislators), Kyrenia (nine legislators), Morphou
(seven legislators), and Tricomo (five legislators). The first
elections in northern Cyprus took place in June 1976.
The main parliamentary political parties in northern Cyprus
are the Republican Turkish Party, the Peace and Democracy Movement,
the National Unity Party and the Democratic Party.
Founded in 1970 the Republican Turkish Party is the oldest
party in northern Cyprus and has a centre-left political orientation.
Its founding leader, Ahmed Mithat Berberoglu, was succeeded by
Ozker Ozgur and later by Mehmet Ali Talat, who is the party's
current leader. The party has traditionally opposed the idea of
partitioning Cyprus, and is in favor of a negotiated solution
that would follow the ideas included in the Annan Plan.
The majority of RTP supporters are Turkish Cypriots although
it has consistently, during the recent electoral campaign, solicited
the vote of the Turkish settlers. (NOTE: the Annan Plan essentially
provides that at least 60,000 settlers will remain in Cyprus,
which has made the plan attractive to those settlers who have
been in Cyprus longer and are therefore eligible to remain under
the Plan) Mehmet Ali Talat was reported during the 2003 campaign
as saying that: "The human rights of the Greek Cypriots are
not more important than the property rights of the mainland Turkish
settlers in Cyprus,"(Press Summary of 24.8.03, published
in Birlik 25.8.03)
The Peace and Democracy Movement, founded by Mustafa Akinci
in June 2003, comprises of several smaller political parties (the
Communal Liberation Party, the Cyprus Socialist Party and the
United Cyprus Party) as well as several labor organizations (the
State Doctors' Trade Union (Tifi-IS), the Union of Municipality
Workers (BES), the Union of Civil Servants (CAG-SEN)).
The party has no ideological platform other than the common
desire to resolve the Cyprus Problem in accordance with the provisions
of the Annan Plan. The Peace and Democracy Movement is predominantly
a Turkish Cypriot-supported party.
The National Unity Party was founded in 1975 by Rauf Denktashh
and others. Its current leader is Dervish Eroglu. In April 1994
the party incorporated the right-wing settler party of Orhan Ucok
(the Homeland Party). The National Unity Party has close relations
with the Motherland Party of Turkey. Its political agenda focuses
on the concept that the current status quo in Cyprus is the best
solution to the Problem because it provides the best policy options
for Turkey. The party opposes any solution that would deprive
Turkey of its effective control of the island or that would mean
that any of the Turkish settlerson whose vote the party
is largely dependentwould have to be repatriated.
The Democratic Party is a right-wing party founded in 1992
as a breakaway faction of the National Unity Party that included
Denktashh's younger son, Serdar. (Denktashh has been supportive
of his son's party)
The Democratic Party was joined in 1992 by the Social Democratic
Party of Ergun Vehbi (originally founded by Rauf DenktashhRauf
Denktashh's eldest son who died in a car accident in the late
eighties). In 1992 the Democratic Party was joined by the main
settler party of Ali Ozkan Altinisik (the Rebirth Party) hence
gaining the largest settler following among all parties in northern
Cyprus. The Democratic Party supports the position that the solution
of the Cyprus Problem must be based on the notion of two separate
sovereign states. In August of 1994 together with the National
Unity Party it voted against the idea of a federal solution to
the Cyprus Problem, supporting instead Rauf Denktashh's call for
a confederation. The Democratic Party has been traditionally opposed
to Cyprus' accession to the EU. Nevertheless, it has not rejected
the Annan Plan outright, especially once the strong pro-Annan
Plan and pro-Europe demonstrations of the Turkish Cypriots got
underway in 2002-03.
All of the parties in northern Cyprus were and continue to
be under the effective control of Ankara.
Following the recent elections of 14 December 2003, Akinci's
party (six legislators) was not invited to join the coalition
government of the Republican Turkish Party (19 legislators) and
the Democratic Party (seven legislators) presumably because it
had expressed guarded opposition against the Turkish military
and Turkish interference in the affairs of northern Cyprus.
78
This section draws upon material published by the author in his
book "Kibris Nereye Gidiyor?" ("Quo Vadis Cyprus"),
published in Turkish, in Istanbul/Turkey, in June 2002, by the
Everest Publishing House, pp 318-327. Back
79
TMT, which stands for Turkish Resistance Organisation (Turk Mukavemet
Teskilati) (Turkish Fighters) was the terrorist organization created
by the Turkish Cypriots with British acquiescence, as a reaction
to the Greek Cypriot EOKA (Ethniki Organosi Kiprion Agoniston-National
Organization of Cypriot Fighters) that initiated an anticolonial
struggle against British rule in 1955. Back
80
This signifies the Turkish term "derin devlet" which
refers to a militarybureaucratic complex that controls the Turkish
state irrespective of the government that wins the Turkish elections. Back
81
The term Bayraktar means main standard or flag bearer, and the
term Bozkurt refers to the legendary grey wolf that led the marauding
Turkish tribes from Central Asia to Asia Minor and the areas currently
occupied by modem-day Turkey. Back
82
The withdrawal was in the wake of intercommunal conflict which
erupted as a result of a constitutional dispute over the approval
of taxation legislation. Back
83
After renewed fighting in Kophinou in November 1967 Greece had
to withdraw a substantial number of Greek army officers and troops
from Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriots then set up the "Provisional
Turkish Cypriot Administration" on 28 December 1967. Its
basic law provided that until all provisions of the 1960 Constitution
were applied Turkish Cypriots living in the enclaves were to be
attached to this administration which regulated its own executive,
legislative and judicial branches. Back
84
The National Security Council (NSC) was established in Turkey
in 1962 by special law. It was supposed to be an organ that would
help the Cabinet take decisions on questions of national security.
It convenes every month and whenever necessary under the presidency
of the President of the Republic of Turkey and includes certain
ministers, the Chief of Staff, and the three Commanders of the
Land, Sea and Air forces. The 1962 law was amended in November
2003 and the NSC was turned into an advisory body. Nevertheless,
it continues to carry weight in Turkish political life. For example,
there is an NSC representative sitting in as a member of the Supreme
Councils of the Universities and Radio-TV Stations. No law, regulation
or international agreement entered into by the Republic of Turkey
may contradict the policy laid down in the "Red Book"
prepared and reviewed every year by the NSC. Back
85
For a profile of political parties in northern Cyprus see Annex
I. Back
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