Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 60 - 79)

WEDNESDAY 15 DECEMBER 2004

MR DAVID HAYES, MR TIM OTTER, MR MICHAEL BELL CB AND MR BRINLEY SALZMANN

  Q60  Mr Hamilton: Gentlemen, on 22 September this year, as you know, the UK arms embargo on exports to Libya was lifted. Could you tell us how well placed British companies are to enter this market? Are you in a better or worse position than other EU companies?

  Mr Salzmann: Certainly British companies are interested in the Libyan market and they are looking at what opportunities might arise, but I think it is safe to say that it is not going to be open house where you can sell anything you want to the Libyans. All licence applications will still have to be judged against the EU Code of Conduct and I am perfectly certain that the British Government will have concerns about particular types of equipment—weapons systems, riot control equipment, more sensitive high tech equipment—going to the Libyans so, as I say, it is not going to be a completely open market where British companies are going to be able to sell anything they want there. British companies could be at a slight disadvantage in that the USA has still maintained its embargo on US munitions list items to Libya and an awful lot of the British equipment has American munitions list components systems and sub-systems contained within it. Therefore, British companies would not be able to bid those systems. They would have to try to identify potential alternative sources of supply to replace the American content before they could bid for anything to the Libyans. At the moment I do not think anybody has sight of what the Libyans shopping list is and what exactly it is they are looking for. As I say, a lot of what they might be looking for the British Government would not allow British companies to supply in any case when judged and assessed against the EU Code of Conduct.

  Q61  Mr Hamilton: Does anybody else want to comment?

  Mr Otter: At the risk of getting another good kicking from the Government (but then that is what being a second row forward is all about—I kick back) I know for a fact that the Libyans have already got equipment that Smiths would produce and have had for some years, and it was supplied by Finland and France, end of story, so we are not even thinking about going there because it is a done deal.

  Q62  Mr Hamilton: How does our export control licensing system compare with other EU states as far as Libya is concerned? Does everybody take the same view on what can and cannot be sold?

  Mr Salzmann: I think that would be open to interpretation. I am sure that would be open to interpretation between the various governments. The removal of the embargo is all about interpretation of the Code of Conduct.

  Q63  Mr Hamilton: Presumably that puts British companies at some considerable disadvantage from what you are saying?

  Mr Otter: I would think so. I cannot make a definitive statement but quite obviously from Smiths narrow perspective as opposed to NBC UK's general perspective, our competitor equipment is already there.

  Mr Salzmann: Until we have got a constituency of test cases of which companies are applying for licences and see what is approved and refused, we cannot tell at this stage.

  Mr Otter: From the NBC and defence industry's point of view, British companies are just not wasting their time going about applying for the licences or the 680s.

  Q64  Mr Davies: Am I right in thinking that the burden of the testimony we have just been hearing from Mr Salzmann and Mr Otter is that the interests of our country in the defence industry would be enhanced if the responsibility for administrating and enforcing the EU Code was a single responsibility, say in the hands of the EU Commission rather than left to the individual Member States to apply this Code in various ways and often in ways more favourable to the arms exporters. Is that right? Is that a reasonable and logical conclusion to draw from what you have just said?

  Mr Bell: No, in the sense that whatever industry might feel about this, the fact is that the administration of defence exports is a national responsibility.

  Q65  Mr Davies: I know it is at the moment. I am simply saying is it not a logical conclusion from what you have said this morning that it would be in our interests if in fact the administration and enforcement of the Code were in a single hand?

  Mr Otter: I think if there was an EU embargo on a country then there is at least discussion worth having about whether the EU administered licences to that country.

  Q66  Mr Davies: To avoid the differential problems of enforcement you have just drawn attention to which always seem to work against the interests of this country? That is the testimony we have received from you this morning and I am drawing what I think is an inescapable and logical conclusion.

  Mr Salzmann: Although the British Government when we raise these points in meetings with them say that there are other cases when other EU Member States will refuse licences which the British Government would not.

  Q67  Mr Davies: Do you know of such cases?

  Mr Salzmann: Not off the top of my head, no.

  Q68  Mr Davies: Does Mr Otter know of such cases?

  Mr Otter: No.

  Mr Davies: I think the point is established.

  Q69  Chairman: I think your proposition would be very difficult to implement from my discussions with the French.

  Mr Bell: I wonder if I could just make one additional point. We have been rather rude about the DTI this morning but there are many features of the British system which are very good, notably the open licensing system, and I would hesitate to have that scrapped and that baby thrown out with the bath water, so I think any changes would need to retain the virtues of the British system, whatever else happened.

  Q70  Mr Viggers: I am still not really sure what your priorities are in the review of the Code of Conduct. Are we harmonising up or harmonising down? What steps would you like to see taken?

  Mr Salzmann: I think efforts to try to harmonise up the interpretations to what we regard as being the high level that the UK has, and trying to harmonise and make the Code of Conduct stricter. Certainly, as I said earlier on, we feel that that is going to be necessary before the removal of the arms embargo in China. To satisfy American concerns, the EU's Code of Conduct has to be strengthened and also of course there needs to be harmonisation in terms of reporting and transparency. We would love to see other EU Member States producing the same sort of quality of work and reporting that the British Government does.

  Q71  Mr Viggers: Is it the Code of Conduct which needs to be harmonised up or is it the interpretation of it by different Member States? I suppose that is another way of asking the same question.

  Mr Hayes: Arguably the Code of Conduct is harmonised anyway. It is the same Code of Conduct in all of the countries, therefore almost by definition it has to be the interpretation of that Code which needs further work.

  Q72  Mr Viggers: Are you expecting that you will have to disclose more information or less after harmonisation?

  Mr Hayes: Given that the reporting that is already done by the DTI is the most transparent within the EU, I would not expect the result to be that even more transparency is required from every Member State. I think it would be more a case of the other Member States endeavouring to emulate the reporting transparency of the DTI.

  Q73  Mr Viggers: And are the EU regulations and the harmonisation of them a factor which comes into discussion with the United States over the ITAR waiver? How do the two inter-relate?

  Mr Bell: They have not inter-related at all. The American authorities have chosen to regard the relationship as strictly bilateral. They accept that our controls are "comparable" and, as has been said earlier, the agreements do require acceptance of American re-export controls, and that I think is about where matters stand.

  Q74  Mr O'Neill: The Export Control Act came into force on 1 May this year and there have been about four different Orders as well. When you last gave us evidence I think our report reflected what you and the NGOs and ourselves thought that perhaps a fresh look at the administration of export licences as a whole would be desirable. That was rejected by the DTI who felt that the new system should be allowed to bed down but they did bring in road shows and the like. You yourselves were, I think, quite concerned that at least some of the people involved in exporting armaments did not really know how the old system worked and they were not really sure how the new one was going to work. Have things improved with the road show system and the various booklets that have been published, are you conscious of people having a clearer idea of what is going on?

  Mr Salzmann: I think things have improved to a certain extent. Certainly the road shows and the awareness activities undertaken to try to promote awareness within the United Kingdom industry of the new regulations helped to galvanise awareness of the existing regulations where some companies have slipped through the cracks. There are companies that suddenly became aware of the fact that they had been doing things for 20 or 30 years without licences and now they have found they need them. It has helped to a major extent but the feedback we are getting from a number people, including the export control consultants who operate in this country—and there are less than half a dozen of them—is that more is needed because, as one of them said at a seminar last month, the industry is divided between three types of people, the good, the bad and the ignorant, and there is still an awful lot of ignorance out there on the part of some people so certainly we warmly commend the DTI's efforts at promoting awareness but more needs to be done, which is why I made the comment earlier on that maybe the resources which the DTI now finds are surplus to requirements for licensing could be more effectively reallocated to missionary work to try to find these other people.

  Q75  Mr O'Neill: One last point, I think the estimate was made prior to the implementation of the legislation that it would probably cost a large company about half a million pounds over and above existing costs. Was that estimate an exaggeration or has experience shown that it has been more expensive?

  Mr Bell: We did produce a rough order of magnitude estimate from our company BAE Systems. We estimated that the extra costs amounted to about £1.8 million in the six months leading up the implementation of the Orders on 1 May, so I think the figure of half a million is a substantial under-estimate for us.[9]


  Q76  Mr O'Neill: I think the point is, with respect, it was not preparing for it, it was that once it was in place it was going to cost half a million. You could spread the £1.8 million over several years because hopefully there will not be that many changes that will be that expensive in the future. Obviously you are the biggest. A "large" company may not be the biggest one, so perhaps your argument is not, with respect, the most relevant. Mr Hayes, you are not quite the same size but of similar magnitude.

  Mr Hayes: In our case we estimated that the cost of the additional training arising from the legislation would be in the region of half a million and that has actually proved to be an accurate estimate.

  Q77  Mr O'Neill: You have come in on budget, which is one of the things that British Aerospace does not always do, of course!

  Mr Otter: That could be like manifesto promises!

  Q78  Sir John Stanley: I think you were in the room when we had the earlier exchange about trafficking and brokering. I want to understand better than I do now whether you have real as opposed to gut reaction objections to our recommendation that the Government should seek to extend extra-territorial control to all trafficking and brokering which if conducted in the UK would not be granted a licence. I absolutely understand where you come from. As companies in the private sector, you have an instinctive nervousness about any government proposal to extend regulation into your area of life. I understand that and I sympathise with it, but as members of the Defence Manufacturers' Association you are law-abiding, responsible companies and you have a huge level of reputational risk, and I find it difficult to believe that you would want to circumvent arms export licensing controls by going overseas and engaging in selling your products to countries where you would not be granted an export licence if they were sold out of the UK. If I could put the question to you, if you could dump instinctive nervousness to one side, do you have any actual, genuine, real live objections to the extension to the present extra-territoriality of defence export controls generally on the basis that if they were conducted in the UK they would not be granted a licence?

  Mr Salzmann: We would not know whether they would be granted a licence or not until we had applied for a licence and received a refusal, therefore no corporate entity could make that decision as to whether that would be licensable by the British Government or not without seeking a licence. That is a pre-condition as to what deals would need to be licensed which no companies can actually satisfy.

  Q79  Sir John Stanley: Surely you would be able to establish that from the DTI, would you not?

  Mr Salzmann: Not without applying for a licence because the advisers in the FCO and MoD would want the full information which is provided in a licence application in order for them to make a detailed proper and assessment as to whether that licence should be approved or not.


9   Note by witness: The figure of half a million pounds (£460,000) was published by the DTI (see Final Regulatory Impact Assessment, 7.1) as an estimate of initial training costs, seen by the DTI to be the main costs to Industry of implementing the new regulations. The BAE Systems' figure of £1.8 million is comparable with the company's own pre-implementation estimates. Back


 
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