Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 220-230)

14 DECEMBER 2004

MS SAMAR MASHADI, MR IMRAN KHAN, MR RAMESH KALLIDAI AND MR VENILAL VAGHELA

  Q220 Mr Clappison: We will come on to the whole area of freedom of speech in due course. Can I just ask Ramesh on behalf of the Hindu Forum, we have heard the evidence about the problems which the Muslim community have faced since 9/11. Have you any similar experiences yourself as a result of that?

  Mr Kallidai: Since 9/11.

  Q221 Mr Clappison: Have there been rising attacks on Muslims?

  Mr Kallidai: Generally speaking, we do feel that people are more aware of the threat of terror, but specifically what has happened is people do not differentiate between, say, Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs on the road, and so any sort of attack motivated against Muslims, although sometimes it does affect Hindus in general, that has happened quite a bit.

  Q222 Mrs Dean: The Government and the police would say that they are making strong efforts to build contacts with the minority communities. Could you give your view on how that is working and whether that is true and, also on strengths and weaknesses, what more should be done?

  Mr Kallidai: Definitely. I agree whole-heartedly with that. There has been a lot of activity in contact with the faith communities as well. We have been involved in many consultation exercises with the Government and we are quite happy with the work the Home Office is doing with us. What more could be done, I think, is for that to reach down to the grass-roots and leaders, but the Government should start encouraging more practical work at the inner grass-roots levels, and that is not happening as much as it should. The Government is talking to the leaders, but whether it is actually being translated to the grass roots. One example would be in Bradford or Oldham, one of those places, immediately after the riots, the councillors organised for Muslim women to make chapattis for the white ladies, and they in turn another week made pancakes for the others and in so doing these communities contacted each other, for the first time they were actually face to face, and they realised everyone is normal. In Watford there is a Hindu temple. They participated in a festival called the Radlett Festival. For the first time a Hindu community came there and they provided a free sound system, a free stage, free volunteers and free food for 5,000 people. I asked one of the parish councillors—and he was very honest with me—"What did you think of these people before the festival?" He said, "I thought they were very strange but harmless." I said, "What did you think of them after the festival?" He said, "I thought they were just as normal as the rest of us." The point being that the Government should do more to encourage this sort of practical interaction.

  Mr Khan: FAIR's position, and certainly my personal position, is that post 9/11 the introduction of legislation which in effect, whether it was intended to or not, has targeted Muslim communities, has left a situation where the Muslim community in particular is now particularly vulnerable. Our position is this. The ineffectiveness of the legislation and its impact, perceived or otherwise by the Muslim community, means that it ought to be reconsidered and repealed. We think that is the first position the Government should do. I do not want to bore you with statistics in relation to numbers arrested and prosecuted and so on. I am involved in a number of cases which I cannot talk about because of sub judice, but the basic proposition is that the legislation is not necessary. What has happened is that those who wish to take advantage of this perceived threat by Muslims; because at the moment Muslims either can be victims of the terrorism, perpetrators of the terrorism, fundamentalists, and even when Muslims speak out some people suggest, as the previous speaker did, that we are not saying it sufficiently hard enough. Muslims cannot win. The most symbolic thing that the Government can do is to say this piece of legislation, having now seen it in operation, is not working. It is creating problems for a particular community. Let us take it away. As a lawyer I have obviously have a particular view-point on this. The legislation on the statute books are sufficient certainly in my view to cater for any particular criminality related to terrorism. I think even some Government spokespeople say that it is not lack of available offences that results in not being able to combat terrorism, but a lack of the use of evidence which is needed, for example, telephone interception, et cetera. That is the problem. The law needs to look at being able to use evidence or information and make it into admissible evidence. That is the first point. The problem with the legislation and its impact on the community is this. You have to have policing by consent, and at this moment in time we have something called intelligence-led policing, the intelligence about what is happening if the Muslim community, not if but there are certainly minority sections of the Muslim community that are involved or alleged to be involved in certain acts which are criminal. For the Muslim community to co-operate with the authorities they need to be confident that they are not going to be targeted. We are running the story again from the Irish communities, the Afro-Caribbean communities and now the Muslim communities, and it is that lesson that we appear not to be learning. The communities need to have confidence in the authorities. If they do, then they will cooperate; they will provide the information and then they will be able to deal with terrorism. I think it goes back to what somebody else said: we have got to look at the root causes and we have to say to the Muslim communities, "You must have confidence in the system that operates. It is not discriminatory, it is not targeting you", whether it is perceived or not. I think that is the biggest and most fundamental thing that the Government can do.

  Q223 Mrs Dean: You said that enforcement of anti-terrorism laws must be urgent reform. You sound as if you want to do away with them rather than reform them?

  Mr Khan: Yes, my personal view is I do. I take that based upon a statistical analysis of the effectiveness of the legislation. How many people have been arrested, how many people prosecuted and for what offences? There is, if you draw a balance sheet, a deficit in terms of it is effectiveness in what might be termed as combating terrorism and its negative impact on the Muslim community as a whole, and that net deficit is what concerns us.

  Ms Mashadi: Could I add one more thing to that. The impact that it has had on the Muslim community is very well cited, and a lot of people are fully aware of the negative impact it has had, but, most importantly, which is why we are here today, is to discuss and to try and realise the impact it has had on different communities working together in terms of community cohesion, not just in terms of the impact terrorism has had on one community. The Irish community faced a negative backlash when the terror laws of 2000 were legislated—to try and fight terrorism from the IRA, but I think that more so what we need to focus on is that the Muslim community are often being targeted because of the way that the legislation is so draconian in its measures and in terms of stop and search, internment, and detention without trial. But I think most importantly is the negative impact the legislation is making and will continue to make in the way that different communities relate with each other, in fostering a much more tolerant, conducive and more positive society which is really what we are trying to achieve.

  Q224 Mr Prosser: Mr Khan, I want to continue a little on the theme of things which the Government and government legislation can do to protect what we are talking about, what we describe as the increasing levels of Islamophobia. In your evidence and in Ms Mashadi's evidence you have both talked about almost the dismantling of recent anti-terrorism and also the issue of identity cards which might be coming in soon. Are there any specific pieces of legislation that you want to see the Government introduce rather than look back at altering or repealing existing laws?

  Mr Khan: It might be slightly strange for a lawyer to be saying we do not need any more laws, but that is precisely what I am saying. I have been practising for some years, and the wealth of legislation that is available to deal with attacks on mosques, temples and gurdwaras. It is all there. There is a whole plethora of legislation. The problem has been the enforcement of that legislation in a non-discriminatory way, and when we talk about the police not taking action here, or not taking appropriate action, why was that done? It is not because of want of a particular piece of legislation, it is because somebody decided that was not worth doing. I hate to use this phrase in this context, but we have an institutional problem; we have a situation where society does not look at particular sections or certain communities in a particular way and does not feel it ought to enforce it in a particular fashion. That is where we have to look at it and to take action against those organs of society that do not operate in a way which deals with communities according to their needs. At this present moment in time the Hindu community, the Muslim community have particular needs and the Government have to address those. What we are saying here today is that there needs to be dialogue between those communities at and government and organs of government to say: what are those special needs? We have seen attacks as a rise of Islamophobia. One of the concerns is about whether the legislation is working. No-one here is saying that there is not a need to deal with terrorism; the fear is the introduction of legislation. The heightening of that tension means that you are creating, or the state could be said to be creating further and feeding those who might wish to say that they are further alienated from society and they move to a very extreme position. That is the fear that we have.

  Q225 Mr Prosser: You say you do not want to see any new law; we have got enough law in this area. What about the proposals to bring in laws to deal with inciting racial hatred?

  Mr Khan: Religious hatred. Can I diverge on this. I have a personal difference of opinion, I believe, with FAIR as an organisation. I am not in favour of it. I say that because of what was said earlier about where do you draw the distinction between freedom of expression and a situation where somebody is being abusive towards another religion? I think there is still in existence sufficient legislation to deal with the sort of abuse that we see on the streets, public order. You can prosecute people. You can move from a situation where somebody has the ability to argue, discuss, different aspects of religion. If it goes beyond that to abuse, threats, anything which might not be seen to be within the context of standard, proper discussion, you could fall into public order offences or other types of offences. I think there is that situation. My fear, to finish the point, is that certainly if we accept the basic premise that there is discriminatory enforcement of legislation, my fear yet again, and I say this to the Muslim community and to other minority communities, is that the police may have a tendency to use that legislation precisely against the community it was intended to protect. I say that specifically because racially aggravated offences in the Metropolitan Police area have been   disproportionately used against minority communities. Twenty six per cent of those arrested two years ago for racially aggravated offences in the Metropolitan Police area were against minority communities. So it is for those two reasons.

  Q226 Mr Prosser: Ms Mashadi, is that your view and is that the view of the Forum, or is Mr Khan just giving his own personal view?

  Ms Mashadi: I agree with quite a significant amount of what Mr Khan has said. What I would add is that in terms of having another legislation which would try and give protection to different faith communities from being targeted, I think that one has to be very careful, especially with the definition of what incitement would encompass. What would actually constitute incitement to religious hatred? The other question that we have to ask is that though the race relations laws were amended, why were they not extended to cover religion as well? Whether this proposed legislation would be a good piece of legislation, I would add there are aspects of it which would be beneficial in affording protection to communities who have been and continue to be vulnerable from hate crimes, such as the Muslim community, and the Hindu and Sikh communities, but I think equally in terms of the wording of what would actually constitute incitement, one would have to be very careful with that, and as an organisation we would say that is an area that could create quite a few problems.

  Q227 Mr Prosser: Mr Kallidai I think you have already said you are in favour in principle of the new legislation?

  Mr Kallidai: Incitement to religious hatred: I think the Hindu Forum's view was that if it helps in the stopping of hatred and if it is well defined, we would support it, but we would also like to make sure that freedom of speech is not expressly affected by this legislation, and, since we do not know what the Government is proposing, we cannot at this stage expressly support it.

  Q228 Mr Prosser: On that issue of preserving and protecting freedom of speech and freedom of expression, do you have any recommendations or thoughts on how we can best encourage the media to run more stories which are positive about minorities?

  Mr Kallidai: The media is a bit tricky, because it is not necessary that legislation alone can affect the media, I think, besides legislation, the media needs to have its own statement of good practice.

  Q229 Mr Prosser: I am not relating you to legislation, but what measures would you take? What moves can you make?

  Mr Kallidai: Responsible reporting, I would think, is a culture that the media needs to adopt. For instance, if the police are making anti-terror arrests, then "Would reporting widely on that be conducive to community relations or not?" is something the media has to ask itself and then decide to report or not. Simple things like that would be very helpful. Also, we have documented evidence that the media has not been very sympathetic in reporting antihindic incidents, attacks of xenophobia in the community, and we have provided in our written submission lists of attacks on the Hindu community which have not been reported in the media—attacks on our temples never get reported—and, quite rightly, attacks on, say, Jewish cemeteries get very sympathetic reporting in the national media, which we are very pleased about, but we also wish that they are as sympathetic when Hindu temples get attacked. They are not.

  Q230 Mr Prosser: I have been told that if a paper like the Daily Mail or the Daily Express runs a front page headline which is anti-Islamic or mentions asylum seekers in derogatory terms, it can put 10 or 20,000 on the circulation of that newspaper. How can you counter that to get your positive story across?

  Mr Khan: It is a mammoth task. With the contacts that I have in the press I am fortunate that I can get some stories in the press which have a positive view about minority communities, but it is incredibly difficult, and it is about circulation. I agree that it needs responsible reporting, but what if you do not have that? What can you do? I get approached by people saying they want to take action against such and such a newspaper, but there is no funding for defamation, libel. Whole communities can not be defamed; you have to have an individual. The only thing you can do is go to the PCC; and I have tried that. What I would suggest is a concrete proposal for the community to take on board, which Ms Mashadi was going to elaborate on, was to make an addition to the PCC code, which is specifically aimed at preventing the kind of reporting that we have seen in certain cases. I do not have a wording for that at this stage, and perhaps what we can do is to go back and think about a working to add to the PCC code. I do not know whether that is within the remit of the Committee.

Chairman: We are hoping to have a number of editors from the broadcast media give evidence to us in the New Year, so any thoughts you would like to feed us ahead of that or any criticism on this issue would be very useful indeed. I am sorry the session was shortened and disrupted by the vote. Can I thank all four witnesses very much. I know the Hindu Forum had some particular issues you wished to raise. I hope you feel you have been able to do so this afternoon for the record and also for FAIR. Thank you very much indeed.





 
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