Select Committee on Home Affairs Fifth Report


2 The problem of anti-social behaviour

Definition

27. A number of separate definitions of ASB are provided in statute. Under section 1 of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, ASB is defined as behaviour that causes "or is likely to cause harassment, alarm or distress to one or more persons not in the same household".[24] This is the definition that applies when, for instance, an application is made for an ASBO.

28. Different definitions of ASB are provided by relevant sections of the Housing Act 1996, which refer to conduct "capable of causing nuisance or annoyance to any person",[25] and/or the use of premises for unlawful purposes.[26] These definitions are used for the purposes of triggering a variety of housing-related powers and duties: the statutory obligation on social landlords to prepare and publish policies and procedures in relation to ASB, applications for injunctions and demotion orders.[27]

29. The key feature of each of these formulations (aside from the provisions dealing with illegal use of premises) is that they focus not so much on the behaviour itself as on its effects. None of the Acts attempt to provide a list of specific behaviours. The definitions of ASB are therefore flexible, capable of being interpreted differently by different people and indeed in different Home Office statements. For instance, in the 2003 Home Office White Paper, Respect and Responsibility, it is noted that—

Anti-social behaviour means different things to different people—noisy neighbours who ruin the lives of people around them, 'crack houses' run by drug dealers, drunken 'yobs' taking over town centres, people begging by cash-points, abandoned cars, litter and graffiti, young people using airguns to threaten and intimidate or people using fireworks as weapons. [28]

30. In its memorandum to us, the Home Office provided a different list of what is included in the definition of ASB:

Anti-social behaviour … manifests itself in a number of ways—nuisance noise, verbal intimidation, criminal damage or vandalism, abandoned cars, kerb crawling, street drinking and begging, or groups of people intimidating others.[29]

31. Several organisations have criticised the breadth of the definitions. There are four main issues, centring around effectiveness, performance management, jurisprudence and consistency. First, the breadth of the definitions is seen as hindering an effective policy response. This was, for instance, the principal argument of the Crime and Society Foundation:

If the objective is to impact on activities legitimately concerning the public, it is important to be able to disaggregate different types of behaviours and to specify and measure what is of concern in order to design and evaluate effective policy responses. It is the Foundation's contention that current anti-social behaviour legislation and policy makes difficult such an approach.

Problems of definition lead to problems of solution. In the view of the Foundation the combination of a definition based on subjective criteria and an attempt to encompass a wide range of behaviours under one term leads to inappropriate, expensive and sometimes draconian policy responses.[30]

Shelter similarly argued that "it is imperative that responses draw distinctions between different types of behaviour and recognise the causes of that behaviour. Measures can then be taken which are not only proportionate, but also effective in tackling it".[31]

32. Second, it has been argued that the wide definition hinders performance management. Hull City Council argued that "a lack of clarity around the definition and measurement of ASB does not help" with effective performance management arrangements, and Salford City Council also highlighted this area as problematic.[32] The Home Office acknowledged this problem of measurement; however, it argued that the benefits of the wide definition were more important than this.[33]

33. Third, several organisations have focused on the jurisprudential or human rights implications of using a broad legal definition. For instance, the Law Society argued that without "a clear standard for enforcers, policy-makers and the public to measure behaviour against … it will become increasingly difficult to justify legally any further interference with human rights".[34] Liberty suggested that "in a democracy, if prohibitions and punitive sanctions are to be employed, a greater degree of clarity is required".[35] According to JUSTICE, "the very wide definition of what can constitute anti-social behaviour is of great concern because perfectly lawful activities can become criminalised through the use of an ASBO".[36] In addition, several organisations criticised the fact that the definition of ASB was wide enough to include behaviour that is already a criminal offence, arguing that this could lead to a twin-track approach by which criminal offences were effectively prosecuted according to a civil standard of proof, albeit that—as we will point out at paragraph 192—the standard of proof in ASBO cases is actually indistinguishable from the criminal standard.[37]

34. Fourth, it has been argued that the wide definition of ASB has led to inconsistency, with the potential for discrimination and for the unjustified targeting of particular groups. The Children's Society argued that "many children and young people are telling us that they do not understand the term, but they feel that it is targeted towards them".[38] It pointed to research indicating that young persons between 9 and 13 were unsure as to what behaviour they should avoid in order to escape having measures used against them. Several organisations have, more specifically, objected to the term "anti-social" being applied to children who are "merely hanging about in the street".[39] Crisis objected to the equating of begging as anti-social, arguing that "although the act of begging may be deemed anti-social, it is a problem that is best understood and dealt with as a manifestation of social exclusion".[40]

35. In assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the current definitions of ASB, we were keen to establish how they have worked from the perspective of practitioners—those with direct experience of dealing with ASB and its consequences. In this respect—with the exception of the issue of performance measurement raised by Hull City Council and quoted above—the response has been overwhelmingly positive.

36. Practitioners have argued that there are three main benefits of retaining broad effect-based definitions of ASB. The most important benefit is jurisprudential: they have proved simple to use in terms of pursuing legal action. For instance, Mr Neil Pilkington, Principal Solicitor of Salford City Council's Community Safety Unit, told us that the definitions "have not caused practical difficulties in terms of the application of legislation".[41] Mr Martin Lee, from Manchester City Council, agreed that they "are a very good umbrella for covering all [the] particular forms of anti-social behaviour", observing also that the presence of two definitions has not caused any practical problems:

I think the definition to secure an anti-social behaviour order, which is that someone has to be acting in a manner "likely to cause harassment, alarm or distress", will go before the magistrates who are familiar with that term from public order offences that come before them every day, and the "conduct capable of causing nuisance or annoyance" to get an injunction in the county court, where there is a lesser burden of proof, is one that county court judges are very familiar with. I think that umbrella, as I have said, covers everything. I do not think there is an incompatibility.

Sergeant Paul Dunn, from the Metropolitan Police Service, added that "the legal definition helps if enforcement action is necessary, and it has to be looked at from that point of view".[42]

37. Second, several witnesses have argued—in direct contrast to claims that the concept of ASB impedes an effective response to specific problems—that it actually generates a more strategic response and, indeed, has often encouraged a response where previously there was none. For instance, the Local Government Association argued that the "ASB focus from central government has led to an increase in focus within many localities" and that the inclusion of ASB as a national policing priority "has been particularly effective in gaining police recognition of "low level" crime as a local priority and provides the impetus for local joint working".[43] The Northern Housing Consortium argued that "since the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 all agencies tackling ASB have been working more effectively together. Most Councils have now appointed an anti-social behaviour co-ordinator".[44] And in addition to anti-social behaviour co-ordinators, the emergence of local authority ASB units are further tangible evidence of the practical effect of utilising a broad concept of ASB.

38. Other witnesses have stressed the limited impact that the criminal justice system was having on low-level, persistent criminal or sub-criminal nuisance behaviours. For instance, Mr Chris Dyer from Crime Concern, told us:

Anti-social behaviour did not start when the Crime and Disorder Act was on the statute book and subsequent legislation since either. Prior to that there has been a ton of legislation around for donkeys' years which has and has not been used—arguably probably not, actually—in the vast majority of cases to deal with the very issues that we are talking about.[45]

39. Third, one theme that emerged strongly during the course of our inquiry is the benefit of flexibility offered by the definition of ASB. Thus far from inconsistency being a problem, many witnesses argued that this was absolutely necessary and appropriate, as the definition of ASB needs to be worked out at a local level. For instance, Mr David Copeland, head of Peterborough Mediation Service, emphasised the extent to which tolerance of behaviour varies from area to area:

What is acceptable in one street in Peterborough, if we moved within 200 metres would not be acceptable. It can change during the hours of the day. It is a variable.[46]

40. Mr Chris Fox, President of the Association of Chief Police Officers, told us that the current definition of ASB is "fine as it is because what we need is a local agreement about what anti-social behaviour is because anti-social behaviour is exemplified locally in different ways".[47] He then elaborated as to what this might mean in practice:

It might be to do with alcohol and binge drinking […] in a town centre; it might be about motorcycling across parks or behaviour in children's playgrounds in a public space in another totally different community. So I think we need to leave anti-social behaviour with a wide definition but working together […] and locally agree what are the issues in that particular part of the world, which will require different people to be involved in the solution.[48]

41. The Home Office agreed that the definition of ASB should be worked out locally. It argued that strict definitions of ASB by reference to particular types of behaviour or action would "run the risk of excluding some types of behaviour that are problematic or including others which may not be" an issue locally. It considered that the current wide definition allows local partnerships the flexibility to do this.[49]

42. Overall, the concerns about effect-based definitions of ASB, particularly those related to jurisprudence (noted above in paragraph 33), appear to overlook a number of important matters. First, the definition employed for the purpose of taking out ASBOs has been in force since 1986 in the context of public order offences, appearing to have worked successfully. In ASBO cases, the conduct must be proved to the same, i.e. to the criminal, standard of proof. Second, the suggested difficulties in understanding, or agreeing, what may or may not properly be classified as anti-social, do not seem to be evidenced or supported by any significant numbers of appeals against ASBOs to the higher courts on the basis that the behaviour in question was not anti-social. Third, where enforcement action is being taken, it is the court (county or magistrates') which will ultimately decide whether the conduct in question is anti-social and should be restricted. Courts are well used to balancing the rights of the community against the rights of individuals and are obviously capable of, and alive to the need to, protect the rights of alleged perpetrators, especially where they are young.

43. It is telling that those who criticised the current definitions of anti-social behaviour did not themselves propose any alternative definitions, whether by reference of a suggested list of behaviours which could properly be considered anti-social or by any other means.[50] This may well demonstrate the difficulty of adopting a different approach from that which forms the basis of the current legislation. Even if a list of behaviour could be prepared, different organisations and individuals would doubtless disagree about what behaviours should be included. Most importantly, a list-based approach would be unable to take account of the context, or the frequency, of the behaviour. In relation to conduct of the kind which is likely to fall within the rubric of anti-social behaviour, these factors are likely to be critical, which goes to the heart of notion that definitions must be worked out locally (see above, paragraphs 39-41).

44. We have listened carefully to criticisms of the current legal definitions of ASB as too wide. We are convinced, however, that it would be a mistake to try to make them more specific. This is for three main reasons: first, the definitions work well from an enforcement point of view and no significant practical problems appear to have been encountered; second, exhaustive lists of behaviour considered anti-social by central government would be unworkable and anomalous; third, ASB is inherently a local problem and falls to be defined at a local level. It is a major strength of the current statutory definitions of ASB that they are flexible enough to accommodate this. We would argue also that the definitions are helpful in backing an approach that stands with the victims of ASB and their experience rather than narrowly focusing on the behaviour of the perpetrators.

45. If it is accepted that what is seen and defined as anti-social will vary from community to community, then the key question becomes how this can and should be done in practice. In the next sections, we consider more closely the types of behaviour that are defined in practice as anti-social, with a particular focus on ASB by young people, neighbour nuisance and alcohol-related disorder. In relation to each, we are interested in the extent to which norms of behaviour are contested and the effect of behaviour on communities. We then return to address issues surrounding the definitions of ASB.

Anti-social behaviour by young people

46. At one end of spectrum, ASB by young people might include behaviour that is incontrovertibly intolerable and, sometimes, criminal. This includes joy-riding, drug-using and dealing, vandalism, racist abuse, bullying and graffiti. Whilst there may be youth-specific issues regarding the appropriate response to behaviour of this sort, there are no issues in relation to the definition of this behaviour as anti-social that do not also apply to adults.

47. None of the organisations that made representations to us, including those which are primarily welfare-oriented, denied that such behaviour caused misery in many communities. For instance, Barnado's wrote:

Barnado's believes that everyone has the right to live in a safe and decent community and we are aware of the unhappiness, fear and economic cost that ingrained anti-social behaviour brings to communities.[51]

County Durham Youth Engagement Service similarly recognised that "anti-social behaviour is highly significant for both individuals and communities", arguing that it can cause "damage, fear, intimidation and paralysis".[52] NCH, the children's charity, stated that incidents of ASB "can cause misery to families, estates and communities".[53]

48. The Family Welfare Association drew our attention to a real case of a family that has made life intolerable for local residents.[54] Within this family, the children have been causing as much harm as the adults:

The oldest brother, Fred, has driving related convictions (accomplice in car theft, driving without licence, driving without insurance); he was cleared in March '03 of several counts of burglary and going equipped.

The twins [Ged and Harry, aged 14] have received many cautions and have been bound over after breaches of the peace (football damage, threatening other young people, demanding money with menaces, school-related offensive behaviours). [… In addition,] they seem to lead a gang supposedly responsible for petty and serious vandalism and thefts/burglaries in the neighbourhood.[55]

49. Victim Support described to us the effect on victims of ASB, noting that "the ongoing nature of the behaviour and the fact that victims cannot see an end to the incidents that are taking place around them may lead to depression, difficulty in sleeping, dependence on anti-depressants, relationship difficulties, fear, anger, anxiety, inability to leave home and inability to carry on life as normal".[56] It has provided support to a number of people who have suffered at the hands of ASB perpetrated by young people, including:

  • Elderly people in wardened accommodation who were frightened by young people who repeatedly paint graffiti on their garden walls;
  • A family who were racially abused and whose garden fence was regularly knocked down by a group of local young people and items thrown into the garden. Panic alarms and a fire-proofed letterbox were fitted to the home. The family gave evidence at Crown Court trial;
  • An elderly woman living alone was terrified by the behaviour of children and teenagers in the area and particularly at Halloween when she sat at home with all the lights off that evening to avoid any conflict but risking having a fall at home;
  • People who are frightened of going out at night because of the abusive young people on the streets.

50. In the next section of this report, we consider how this type of problem behaviour by youths is addressed by local authorities and agencies. There has been considerable debate as to what ought to be the appropriate response. But the debate surrounding the definition of ASB perpetrated by young people has tended to centre on apparently less serious behaviour. In considering the boundaries of "youth nuisance", several organisations have argued that behaviour characterised as ASB is frequently a matter not so much of bad behaviour as of a lack of tolerance or of understanding between generations. Playing football in the street, wearing hoods, or simply hanging around: all these have been cited as modes of behaviour that unjustifiably have been deemed anti-social.[57] Sergeant Paul Dunn told us that this reflects a decrease in tolerance:

[Tolerance has decreased] towards certain generations and I have to say that young people are being targeted in relation to this. I read somewhere that the chief constable of West Midlands actually identified that many of the calls now coming into his control room are about groups of kids walking down streets. We have got to the point now where we just do not want them there. A MORI poll in this country identified that 75% of the adults asked wanted a lawfully enforced evening curfew for all teenagers in this country.[58]

51. On the other hand, Mr Martin Lee, of Manchester City Council, emphasised that even playing football could have effects that no-one should have to tolerate:

Everybody is being remarkably tolerant. If I were to bring a football into this room and kick it against that wall for ten minutes—a garage door, and you were sat in your garden opposite—you would not be so tolerant. If you were sat in your garden in the summer and all you could listen to all day is scramble bikes churning up the local green, that is anti-social behaviour, it is not intolerance.[59]

Similarly, as part of an evaluation of the Youth Works scheme in Bridgend, South Wales, a local resident described the disproportionate effect of apparently minor acts by youths:

"It was dreadful, absolutely dreadful. People wouldn't come up to the shops if they could help it. The youths would try to intimidate us verbally and physically. It was a worry when we got our pension. They all sat on the wall, we couldn't avoid them."[60]

52. We asked Councillor Clark, from the Local Government Association, how the balance should be struck between consulting locally as to what constitutes unreasonable behaviour and educating for greater tolerance. He told us:

That is difficult because you have hit a particular nerve there which is particularly relevant to young people. Lots of older people feel that a gathering of young people might be threatening and might be anti-social, when in fact it is something we all did when we were that age. … To me it boils down to a very good understanding of a neighbourhood, about what is normal behaviour. … That is about a negotiation—not a consultation—with the local people and negotiation about what it really is and who has some accountability for fixing it, because local people also have accountability for fixing it.[61]

53. It has been suggested to us that much anti-social behaviour by young people is really a matter of a lack of tolerance, or inter-generational conflict. We conclude that, for the most part, this simply is not true. In particular, behaviour which invites a formal response (such as the use of enforcement powers) is almost always serious, persistent, and non-contentiously anti-social. We bring evidence to support this claim in Section 3. The argument also underestimates the effect of even apparently minor acts on local residents. However, we believe that there is a problem of communication in relation to young people, and return to this issue later in this section (at paragraphs 77-78).

'Neighbours from hell'

54. Several housing organisations have stressed to us the significance of ASB for neighbours and local residents. The Housing Corporation—in a publication which sets out a framework for registered social landlords (RSLs) to manage nuisance and ASB—observed that ASB is increasingly an important issue for tenants:

In the past, whenever tenants were asked to name the most important service their landlord provided the answer was always repairs, repairs and repairs. This is no longer the case. How effectively their landlord deals with anti-social behaviour is now equally, if not more, important.

Now, tenants want to know how many neighbour nuisance complaints their landlord has had, how speedily they were dealt with and the action which has been taken as a result of those complaints.

More and more RSLs are now getting feedback from residents on what is important to them in ordering Best Value service reviews. Time after time dealing with anti-social behaviour appears in the top three priorities.[62]

The Tenant Participation Advisory Service expressed its view that "ASB, if unchecked, poses the greatest threat to the future of social housing and the government's aspirations for sustainable communities".[63] The National Housing Federation agreed, noting that there has been "rising concern from landlords, tenants, politicians, media and the general public over the last few years in respect to anti-social behaviour", and arguing that ASB has "a corrosive effect on the community as a whole and is detrimental to community cohesion".[64]

55. In our inquiry, we tried to establish the types of behaviour that have been causing problems between neighbours, focusing especially on the extent to which what is described as ASB tends to be incontrovertibly bad behaviour on the behalf of one of the parties or a matter of dispute between neighbours or contested standards of behaviour. We were also keen to get a sense of the effect on the victims of persistent ASB by neighbours.

56. We invited the creators of a dedicated website, called "Neighbours from Hell in Britain", to send us a digest of neighbour nuisance cases.[65] In summing up, they argued:

Whether it is has started as a noise problem, boundary issue or parking concern, we do see the one continuous factor that nearly always appears is bullying, harassment and intimidation from the NFH [Neighbour from Hell] towards the victim. This sadly can in some cases turn into assault and criminal damage.[66]

57. Mr Copeland described to us the typical nature and impact of problems between neighbours that tend to be referred to Peterborough Mediation Service:

The sort of things that we deal with on a daily basis are noise and various other forms of nuisance—anything where there can be any interaction really: competition for shared facilities: driveways, boundaries, hedges. It might seem quite a small issue on some occasions but the actual effect this has on people… Because there is in fact no escape: if it is being caused by your neighbour or your flatmate it is going to be there all day every day and, albeit that most people interpret them as being quite minor issues, they do have a great effect.[67]

58. As with youth-related nuisance, there was some debate amongst witnesses as to whether lower-level neighbour nuisance should properly fall within the definition of ASB. Ms Bridgen from the Shelter Inclusion Project told us:

I think we agree that there are certain things that are intolerable, and not being able to sleep because of noise until one o'clock in the morning is unacceptable, but there are also grey areas. In Scotland, I think, they did some research a while ago and the majority of complaints against neighbours were to do with elderly people who were hard of hearing having their televisions on too loud. We have had cases of that kind where somebody has fallen asleep with the television on too loud. It is not denying that that is a huge problem with the neighbour, and it needs to be addressed, but, going back to your first question, this is one of the problems of calling everything anti-social behaviour. It is fine as an umbrella title, but we need some distinctions within that because there are lots of grey areas.[68]

59. But Mr Lee, from Manchester City Council, warned us that unacceptable behaviour is often treated as a dispute between neighbours, with an unwillingness to recognise fault on one side:

We need to be very, very wary of labelling cases as a "clash of lifestyles". I have heard that given to a lady who has lived in a ground-floor flat for 80 years—which is a palace—a council flat—and a seventeen-year old moves in above her and starts playing loud music from two until four in the morning and the response that old lady gets from the housing landlord is, "Well, that's his noisy party lifestyle and you'd better get used to it or move into sheltered accommodation." Those are some of the very poor responses that people have had to so-called disputes.[69]

60. In cases where behaviour could be viewed in more than one way: either as anti-social or as a clash of lifestyles or simply as a neighbour dispute, the key question then becomes who makes that decision. According to Mr Copeland, there is presently no direct community input: the decision is "effectively taken by a group of professionals in a multi-agency panel". He argued further though that the process of mediation itself could "improve levels of understanding, which will bring about levels of tolerance".[70] This reaffirms our view that there can be no fixed definition of ASB: the process of responding to behaviour can itself change attitudes towards that behaviour.

61. In relation to most neighbour nuisance cases, it is similarly clear that these cannot be put down to a mere clash of lifestyles: in the majority of cases, one party is at fault, and the effect of his or her behaviour is magnified by the inability of the other party to escape from it. In some cases, it may be less clear-cut that behaviour is anti-social. In such cases, the key question is how the decision is made and by whom.

Alcohol-related disorder

62. In contrast to the areas of neighbour nuisance and ASB by young people, there is far greater consensus as to the extent of the problem of alcohol-related disorder—especially in towns and city centres on Thursday, Friday and Saturday nights.

63. As part of its alcohol harm reduction project, the Prime Minister's Strategy Unit attempted to quantify the cost of alcohol-related harm.[71] It estimated that the cost to the health service is between £1.4 billion and £1.7 billion per year; the cost to the workplace (in terms of absenteeism and reduced productivity) is somewhere between £5.2 billion and £6.4 billion per year; and there are also unquantifiable costs attached to street drinking and children affected by parental alcohol problems.

64. The Strategy Unit further estimated the extent of alcohol-related harm in terms of crime and disorder. It noted that each year there are approximately:

  • 500 drink driving deaths
  • 19,000 alcohol-related sexual assaults
  • 360,000 victims of alcohol-related domestic violence
  • 80,000 arrests for drunkenness and disorder

In addition, it observed that under the British Crime Survey 2001-02, 47% of all victims of violence described their assailant as being under the influence of alcohol at the time. The comparable figure in 2000 was 40%.

65. In total, the estimated annual cost of alcohol in terms of crime and disorder was put at £7.3 billion: this included £0.5 billion for the costs of drink driving, £1.8 billion cost to the Criminal Justice System, £3.5 billion direct cost to services as a result of alcohol-related crime and £1.5 billion cost to services in anticipation of alcohol-related crime. However, the figure did not include an estimated £4.7 billion to reflect the human costs of alcohol-related crime due to a lack of research in the field. If this is included, the total estimated cost per year of alcohol-related crime is £12 billion, and alcohol-related harm overall comes to £20.1 billion.[72]

66. On the "Together" website, the Home Office further describes the problem of alcohol-related ASB:

In 1999, there were an estimated 1.2m incidents of alcohol-related violence. More than half of those arrested for breach of the peace and nearly half of those arrested for criminal damage had been drinking. There are also significant impacts on the urban infrastructure, including broken glass, noise, litter from late-night fast-food outlets and, on occasion, human waste.

Street drinking can be perceived as intimidating by others. Alcohol misuse is linked to disorder and contributes to driving peoples fear of crime; 61% of the population think that alcohol-related violence on the streets is increasing, whilst 43% of women and 38% of men see drinking on the street as a problem.[73]

67. Professor Hobbs emphasised to us the inability of public services to cope with the level of night-time disorder:

Police, ambulance and Accident and Emergency staff are frequently overwhelmed by the workload created by the night-time economy, which in most major urban settings, particularly those featuring large student populations, has a nightlife that has extended beyond the traditional Friday and Saturday night, and in some cases is moving towards a seven-day weekend.

Night-time economies attracting over 100,000 customers are frequently policed by 15-20 Police Officers.[74]

Similarly, Alcohol Concern drew our attention to polling evidence, according to which 70% of police officers believed that "attending alcohol-related incidents frequently diverted staff away from tackling other kinds of crime".[75]

68. Practitioners have told us of the scale of their task. For instance, Mr Green—Chief Constable of Nottinghamshire—said that "behind guns and drugs, drink-related violence is probably our next biggest threat, so it does influence operational deployment".[76] Mr Doyle—licensing officer in Westminster City Council, and representing the Institute of Licensing—added that:

the problems are threatening the attractiveness of city centres as places to live in, work in and visit. They threaten the tourist industry, to some extent, because tourists do not want to be amongst drunken yobs; residents do not want to wake up in the morning and find vomit, urine and worse on their doorstep. […] We know from the police in Westminster that a half of all violence and disorder caused to the police occur between just four hours of the day—and that is between midnight and 4am, particularly on a Friday and Saturday night.[77]

69. Unlike other areas of ASB, no-one has tried to tell us that the problem of alcohol-related disorder is contested or raises problems of definition. Alcohol Concern stated that "alcohol-related anti-social behaviour is identified by the public as being one of their main concerns, with one in four saying that drunk and rowdy behaviour is a problem in their neighbourhood and seven in ten saying that drinking in public places or on the street is a problem in their area". The Portman Group accepted the Government's figures on the economic cost of alcohol-related harm, whilst arguing that "there is a need for a better understanding of the precise nature and extent of the link between alcohol and crime/violence".[78] The Bar, Entertainment and Dance Association argued that "we have seen particular hot spots emerge where the benefits of an expanding late night sector fostering urban regeneration have given way to over-provision with too many venues chasing too few customers triggering discounting, increased alcohol consumption and related disorder and disturbance".[79]

70. Some uncertainty was expressed by witnesses over whether, in light of initiatives from Government, the police, local authorities and the alcohol industry, the situation has changed at all—whether for better or for worse—over the past few years.[80] Professor Hobbs suggested to us that it was impossible to know as measures that had been introduced had not been properly evaluated.[81] But whilst there was debate surrounding this question, there was total consensus that alcohol-related disorder is a major problem.

The need for locally-based definitions of anti-social behaviour

71. In considering the evidence relating to the definition of ASB, we are struck by the extent to which ASB must be defined—no less than it is tackled—at local level. Indeed, we would go further and argue that the process of defining what constitutes ASB at local level must itself be seen as part of the response to ASB. It would be wrong to treat it as a purely theoretical issue, and indeed one clear feature of the evidence is the extent to which concerns about the definition of ASB are tied up with concerns about the response.[82]

72. Several organisations supported this view. ACPO argued that for action against ASB to be effective in communities, "there needs to be a shared understanding between the Police Service, partner agencies and residents of communities about the definition of anti-social behaviour in that area".[83] The Local Government Association argued that "the definition of anti-social behaviour is often varied and unclear. Local partners therefore need to work together in each locality to identify the nature and extent of anti-social behaviour in their area and develop locally appropriate strategies to deal with it".[84]

73. Currently, the process of assessing what is to be treated as ASB at local level is done through the Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships (CDRPs). Under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, "responsible authorities" are required to work with other local agencies and organisations to develop and implement strategies to tackle crime and disorder and the misuse of drugs in their area.[85] Currently, the police, local authorities (including social services and youth offending teams), fire authorities, police authorities and primary care trusts (or health authorities in Wales) are responsible authorities for the purpose of the legislation. CDRPs must work in co-operation with local probation boards and other bodies specified by the Secretary of State, and must invite the participation of a range of local private, voluntary, other public and community groups, as prescribed by the Secretary of State. The range of bodies currently falling within the legislation are shown in the following table:[86]
Must co-operate with: Must invite to participate in the exercise of statutory functions:
local probation boards a registered social landlord
a parish councilthe local Drug Action Team or Drug and Alcohol Action Team
a National Health Service Trust a Training and Enterprise Council
the governing body of a school a voluntary organisation operating in that local government area whose objects are to provide assistance to young persons through youth work or informal education
the proprietor of an independent school the Crown Prosecution Service
the governing body of a higher education institution a Court Manager of the Crown Court
a magistrates' court committee
a representative of Neighbourhood Watch Schemes in the local government area
a member of a Victim Support Scheme
service police and Ministry of Defence police
a body which provides school transport
a body which provides public transport and other specified transport bodies
bodies which promote the interests of, or provide services to—respectively—women, the young, the elderly, the physically and mentally disabled, those of different racial groups, homosexuals and residents
a body, one of whose purposes is to reduce crime and disorder
a body established for religious purposes
a local company or partnership
a body established to promote retail business
a trade union
a registered medical practitioner
a representative body of registered medical practitioners
a governing body of a higher education institution
the chief officer of a local fire brigade
the British Transport Police

There are currently 376 CDRPs in England and Wales.[87]

74. Under section 6 of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, CDRPs have a duty to formulate and implement a strategy for the reduction of crime and disorder in their area once every three years. Before formulating a strategy, they have to first carry out a review of the levels and patterns of crime and disorder, including ASB, in the area, and publish a report analysing the results of that review. As the Chair of the Youth Justice Board, Professor Morgan told us, it is this process which, in effect, provides a local definition of the problems of ASB:

[Under the 1998 Act, CDRPs] were required to undertake audits both of crime and other behaviour that now would generally be regarded as falling under the anti-social behaviour heading. I do not think there is a radical distinction between the problems we have been discussing in relation to anti-social behaviour and crime of a minor sort which could be criminalised. Every area has a natural ecology of crime and anti-social behaviour which means that what disturbs people, what they tolerate and what they complain about differs from one neighbourhood to another.[88]

75. We heard a range of views as to whether the CDRP crime and disorder audits are sufficient in terms of enabling local residents to have their say in determining the types and standards of behaviour which are to be treated as anti-social. Professor Morgan argued that the CDRP audits are useful, telling us that "what one cannot really rely upon is attendance at public meetings and consultative groups because, as we all know, the people who tend to attend those meetings are usually not particularly representative of the wider public, so we must be careful".[89] On the other hand, Mr Fox—President of ACPO—told us:

At the moment I do not think the public are connected to those; I think those often take a very broad view of a neighbourhood or a local authority area, where in fact anti-social behaviour may be very different on an estate or in a town centre. […] So I think it has to be more local than that.[90]

76. One further model of local involvement is the Community Justice Centres, currently being piloted by the Government. The White Paper on ASB, Respect and Responsibility, set out their main principles of these Centres:

The pilots would be able to deal with all low-level disorder offences, housing related matters, especially those relevant to tackling anti-social behaviour. Those who adjudicate would receive special training. The aim would be to facilitate better liaison and communication with the courts, thereby reducing delays in the listing of cases and producing more consistent breach sentencing due to increased awareness of local issues and the impact of anti-social behaviour.[91]

The first Community Justice Centre was officially opened in Warwickshire on 10 March 2005. It is described as the first in England and Wales to "house in one place the police, the Crown Prosecution Service, a magistrates' court, a family court, the Probation Service, the Youth Offending Team and the Victim and Witness Support".[92] A similar Centre is being piloted in Liverpool: in this case, the Centre has been deliberately located in a restored derelict building in the heart of a neighbourhood with high perceptions of ASB in order to enhance its links with the local community.[93] Early research shows strong local support for this Centre.[94]

77. We would argue that the process of defining what constitutes ASB at a local level must itself be seen as part of the response to ASB. We have been told that, in practice, this decision is largely made by groups of professionals responding to complaints, and—on a strategic level—by Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships. But it seems clear from the evidence we have received that—

i.  the definition of some behaviour as anti-social can be contested;

ii.  tolerance is a variable and must, in part, be educated;

iii.  there is a gap—especially in relation to children—in that what constitutes unacceptable behaviour is not always being communicated effectively; and that

iv.  different problems of ASB are likely to concern residents of different local neighbourhoods even within local authority areas.

In light of these points, it seems to us that it is inappropriate for these judgements to be made by professionals and by CDRPs alone. The ability of the courts to assist with such definitions (by deciding which applications will and will not succeed) does not in our view adequately address this issue. Courts only see those cases brought before them (which are likely to be the more serious) and cannot make strategic decisions or comment on the broader issues.

78. We welcome the introduction by the Government of Community Justice Centres in Merseyside and Warwickshire and recommend that it expands this pilot scheme into other areas so as to achieve a stronger basis for evaluation. In the meantime, we recommend that local authorities and CDRPs develop mechanisms for ensuring that the views of local residents are taken fully into account as an essential aspect of their response to ASB.


24   The definition in fact derives from s4A and s5 of the Public Order Act 1986, and was also used in the Protection from Harassment Act 1997 (s7). As noted in Section 4 below, other definitions are used in other statutory contexts, such as under the Housing Acts 1985, 1988, 1996 and 2004.  Back

25   Sections 153A(1), 153B(1) and 218A(8), inserted by the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003, ss13 and 12 respectively. The second limb of this definition requires the conduct to relate to or affect, directly or indirectly, the housing management functions of the relevant landlord. Back

26   Inserted by the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003, s13 Back

27   The statutory obligation on social landlords to prepare and publish policies and procedures in relation to ASB is found in s218A of the Housing Act 1996. The injunction power is contained in s153A of the Act. Grounds to make orders for possession are listed in Schedule 2 of the Housing Act 1985. Demotion orders on grounds of ASB are provided for by s82A Housing Act 1985, inserted by s14 Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003. The statutory definition for the purposes of possession proceedings is similar, although with subtle differences. See Housing Act 1985, Schedule 2, ground 2; Housing Act 1998, Schedule 2, ground 14 (amended by Housing Act 1996, ss144 and 148). Back

28   Cm 5778, p6.  Back

29   Ev 47, HC 80-II Back

30   Ev 30, HC 80-II Back

31   Ev 129, HC 80-II Back

32   Ev 67 and 128 respectively, HC 80-II. Back

33   Ev 168, HC 80-III Back

34   Ev 72, HC 80-II Back

35   Ev 74, HC 80-II Back

36   Ev 70, HC 80-II. See also Ms Hitchen's comments at Q 422. Back

37   See, for instance, the arguments of the Association of Directors of Social Services at Ev 11, HC 80-II, and Mr Garside at Q 289. Back

38   Ev 25, HC 80-II Back

39   Ev 10, 74, HC 80-II (ADSS, Liberty) Back

40   Ev 37, HC 80-II Back

41   Q 2 Back

42   Q 96 Back

43   Ev 81, HC 80-II Back

44   Ev 109, HC 80-II Back

45   Q 343 Back

46   Q 109 Back

47   Q 351 Back

48   IbidBack

49   Ev 168, HC 80-III Back

50   The Director of JUSTICE, Mr Smith, did propose one minor change: to take out the non-objective element of the definition ("is likely to cause harassment, alarm or distress") and replace it with a requirement that the behaviour did, in practice, cause harassment, alarm or distress. See Q 298.  Back

51   Ev 13, HC 80-II Back

52   Ev 29, HC 80-II. County Durham Youth Engagement Service is actually a Youth Offending Team-it was previously known as the County Durham Youth Offending Service, but changed its name to more closely reflect the nature of its work. Back

53   Ev 105, HC 80-II. Formally known as the National Children's Home, the charity is now simply called NCH. Back

54   All names have been changed. Ms Rhodes-Director of Family and Community Care, Family Welfare Association-estimated that there are, on average, 50 families like this in each local authority area. See Q 19. Back

55   Ev 161, HC 80-III Back

56   Ev 139, HC 80-II Back

57   Ev 10, HC 80-II (ADSS), Ev 70, HC 80-II (Justice), Ev 74, HC 80-II (Liberty), Q 15 (Ms Rhodes)  Back

58   Q 112 Back

59   Q 114 Back

60   Ev 221, HC 80-III Back

61   Q 353 Back

62   Housing Corporation, Managing Nuisance, Harassment and Anti-social Behaviour: a framework for RSLs, 2000. Back

63   Ev 135, HC 80-II Back

64   Ev 94, HC 80-II Back

65   The website address is www.nfh.org.uk  Back

66   Ev 192, HC 80-III Back

67   Q 94 Back

68   Q 115 Back

69   Q 107 Back

70   Q 109 Back

71   Prime Minister's Strategy Unit, Alcohol Harm Reduction Project: Interim Analytical Report, 2003 Back

72   Two years ago, the Portman Group commissioned a study which criticised current methods of calculating the extent of alcohol-related violence and disorder (The Portman Group, Counting the Cost: The measurement and recording of alcohol-related violence and disorder, 2002). This was sharply criticised by academics (see, for instance, P Hadfield, "Review of Counting the Cost", British Journal of Criminology, 2003, 43(2), p449). Back

73   http://www.together.gov.uk/article.asp?c=119&aid=2067 [accessed 24 February 2005] Back

74   Ev 45, HC 80-II Back

75   Ev 1, HC 80-II Back

76   Q 194 Back

77   Q 195 Back

78   Ev 114, HC 80-II Back

79   Ev 116, HC 80-III Back

80   Q 204 Back

81   Ibid. See paragraph 295 for a fuller description of views of witnesses. Back

82   For instance, all three arguments against the current definition of ASB, described in paragraphs 31-34 above, can be seen also as concerns about the response to ASB. See also Mr Lee's evidence at Q107 (quoted above) and the discussion amongst witnesses at Qq 290-299. Back

83   Ev 4, HC 80-II Back

84   Ev 78, HC 80-II Back

85   Sections 5 to 7 as amended. Back

86   This list has been updated several times since the 1998 Act. The most recent update was provided through The Crime and Disorder Strategies (Prescribed Descriptions) Order 2004 (SI 2004, No. 118). All of the bodies listed must be located or exercise their functions in the relevant local government area. Back

87   See http://www.crimereduction.gov.uk/regions00.htm (accessed 20 February 2005). Back

88   Q 423 Back

89   IbidBack

90   Q 355 Back

91   Cm 5778, p80 Back

92   See the Criminal Justice Service website: www.cjsonline.gov.uk/the_cjs/whats_new/news-3129.html (accessed 15 March 2005) Back

93   Home Office Press Release CJS007/2003, 11 September 2003. The Centre has not yet opened fully, although many of its services became available from December 2004.  Back

94   See the Criminal Justice Service website: www.cjsonline.gov.uk/the_cjs/whats_new/news-3087.html (accessed 15 March 2005) Back


 
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