Select Committee on Northern Ireland Affairs Tenth Report


2 Observations on evidence received

13. The issues with which any process of 'reconciliation' is likely to require to deal - treatment of victims, truth telling, the merits and demerits of formal commission processes, memorials in archival or physical form, clarity as between truth recovery and judicial processes, and more - are so numerous and complex as to rule out any comprehensive and definitive conclusions in the absence of the opportunity to complete our inquiry. There are, however, a small number of observations arising from the evidence we received which we feel it may be generally helpful to make.

Political process

14. A positive political context is required in order to bolster the confidence of local communities and individuals in seeking ways of reaching out to each other. While some witnesses were sceptical about the Peace process,[10] we were struck forcibly by the sense of insecurity expressed about the recent faltering of that process and the detrimental effect this has had on the day-to-day life of many people.[11]

15. The importance of the overall political context to every aspect of normalisation in Northern Ireland places a great responsibility upon the shoulders of the political parties, and in particular the leaders of those parties, and of the governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, to reflect fully the desire of ordinary people in Northern Ireland for permanent peace and a normal political process. We are not convinced that the parties are devoting anything approaching sufficient effort to this vital task. To our disappointment, most did not contribute any written submission to this inquiry, and we think this was reprehensible. We cannot stress with sufficient force the importance of the contribution of the political leaders in Northern Ireland to the creation of the overall framework of confidence necessary for communal and individual healing.

Victims and survivors -ambassadors of the past to the future

16. There is no broad and solid consensus in Northern Ireland about the definition of a 'victim'. While many urge that an 'inclusive' approach is adopted,[12] we heard that some distinguish between "innocent victims", and those killed or injured carrying weapons.[13] One victims' group began by confining its services to "innocent victims of sectarian murder", only to open them to "anyone regardless of their circumstances" in the light of experience.[14] The government's definition, which we think is reasonable and which is used throughout this report, is "The surviving physically and psychologically injured of violent, conflict related incidents and those close relatives or partners who mourn their dead."[15]

17. Whatever definition of 'victim' is used, however, it is abundantly clear that because violence in Northern Ireland has been so prolonged, and society there so permeated by the 'Troubles', the numbers who consider themselves to have been affected adversely is very high. This is not to claim 'victim status' for everyone in Northern Ireland, but to recognise that the quality of life there for all people has been diminished substantially for over three decades by the appalling and sustained violence which has left almost 4,000 dead and over 40,000 injured.[16]

18. It is impossible for any written report to do full justice to the hurt and suffering of all whose lives have been touched so tragically over the years. It was therefore all the more important to record in the evidence that we are publishing the stories of those who have sought to build their lives anew, not by forgetting their hurt, but by using their experiences with often astonishing bravery, magnanimity, and imagination to seek a positive future for themselves, their loved ones, and for society generally.[17]

19. In the course of this inquiry we encountered frequently the phrase 'victim centred', particularly in relation to the services provided to assist victims and survivors. This is an approach which we support fully. However, we see the phrase as having a wider application than to the provision of services for those physically and psychologically hurt in the 'Troubles', vital though that work is. If Northern Ireland is to realise fully the opportunity of the present cessation of major conflict operations, victims and survivors must have a crucial part to play in that process.

20. Indeed, in our view, the process of social normalisation in Northern Ireland cannot proceed without the full participation of the victims. The way in which that influence is exercised is of course a matter for each victim and survivor in their own lives and in society generally. Nothing could be more disastrous for the future of Northern Ireland, therefore, than the "ghettoising" of victims. It would also be absurd where virtually all the people of Northern Ireland, in very different and individual ways, have been affected adversely by the violence of the conflict. We believe firmly that without the active participation of those who consider themselves to be the victims of the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland, the processes of inter and intra community healing cannot succeed.

21. The role of 'victims and survivors', and their individual experience of 'victim -hood', properly extends throughout society and into every aspect of life in Northern Ireland informing and transforming life there at all levels. This is a process which we heard is going on at present without fanfare or formality and is one which must continue. The leaders of civil society, the political parties, the churches, and the governments must respect that process, and encourage each and every one whose life has been affected adversely by violence to use his and her experience to the fullest in ensuring that Northern Ireland will never again have to endure the terrible suffering of the past generations. This experience will surely provide the most compelling example to the rest of society.

Approaches to dealing with the past

22. To many people, 'truth and reconciliation' and 'dealing with the past' are synonymous with the well-known Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa. This was a single, large-scale, country-wide process of finite timescale which included public 'story-telling', and the possibility of amnesty for some offenders.[18] However, this is by no means the only model for a formal 'truth recovery' process, and Priscilla Hayner's work sets out the variety of 'truth and reconciliation commissions' which have been set up worldwide.[19]

23. When announcing his exploration for a way of "dealing" with Northern Ireland's past in May 2004, the Secretary of State indicated that there were no "ready-made solutions".[20] The wisdom of this caveat has been reinforced by the evidence we have received. While in the short time available to us we have been unable to explore in detail the approaches of other countries to such healing processes, from the evidence we have received we are strongly of the opinion that, if a single Northern Ireland-wide process of healing is proved to be required, then the commitment of Northern Ireland people as a whole will be needed for it to operate successfully. While we received evidence that significant sections of the population were in favour of some form of a truth recovery process, we also received evidence that other parts were not, and were unlikely to co-operate with any process set in train now.[21]

24. We heard about many other important areas of divergence of view which are likely to make the establishment now of a Northern Ireland-wide official process of 'truth recovery' and 'reconciliation' virtually impossible. For example, some found it difficult to conceive of such a process until the violence of the past was ended irrevocably.[22] It is unfortunately abundantly clear that paramilitary violence and intimidation have not ceased, and that certain communities, for example, those in 'border' areas remain under very considerable pressure.[23] The authorities and the Police Service of Northern Ireland must consider the level of support currently afforded to all vulnerable communities and ensure that it is sufficient.

25. 'Reconciliation' was not accepted as a desirable common goal by all, although the striking definition offered by Colin Parry of "a process of narrowing gaps, of bringing people together who might otherwise not want to be together as a mechanism for re-establishing relationships, breaking down distrust, warming up the atmosphere instead of it being bitterly cold" is surely attractive.[24] Also, there is no consensus about amnesty for perpetrators.[25]

26. The work of the new unit within the Police Service of Northern Ireland which was announced by the Secretary of State on 8 March 2005 to look into the many unresolved deaths in Northern Ireland from 1969 to 1998 has yet to bear fruit.[26] One witness, whose son had been murdered relatively recently, was unaware of any police action on her case, even though she believed that the killers were known.[27] The police and those who serve the judicial process in Northern Ireland as a whole must work very hard indeed to re-establish the trust of ordinary people, and this is not likely to be an easy task. We have had occasion recently to comment adversely on the poor record of the police in keeping victims' families in touch with investigations.[28] We expect to see very substantial improvements in the way the police communicate with victims and the families of victims of crime. This would increase the sense of trust in the police felt by the community. How the work of the police, and that of the judicial process generally, would co-ordinate with any official and national truth-recovery process is unclear.

27. The Secretary of State told us that he drew the lesson from his visit in 2004 to South Africa that a truth recovery process could "flourish", and people would only be " prepared to tell their stories", where there was "progress in the political sense".[29] Since that visit his extensive private discussions have reinforced this view:

"If we were to have something along the lines of, but not the same because it has to be tailored to Northern Ireland, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission we would have to have two things occurring: one is political progress and, secondly, consensus on it."[30]

However, the Secretary of State "was not convinced that we could get either" at present.[31] Angela Smith, Minister with responsibility for victims, reported that many victims and survivors had told her that while a truth recovery process was attractive "many of them felt the time was not right for them personally".[32]

28. While we agree that the 'few' should not be able to hold up progress for the 'many' in seeking a truth recovery process, where large sections of the population withhold co-operation from such a process the outcome is likely to be circumscribed and its value reduced correspondingly. In addition, many uncertainties remain to be resolved over the way in which such a process would work alongside the normal judicial process. Finally, it is clear that many in Northern Ireland remain unconvinced that the terrorist campaign of violence is truly at an end.

29. We accept the view of those who have told us of the importance of an 'official' version of history and truth which might be a key feature of any truth recovery commission.[33] But the Northern Ireland communities must be fully ready and able to accept and share that official version of historical truth, and it is our view, based on the evidence we have been given, that this stage has yet to be reached. In these circumstances, and with considerable regret, it seems to us appropriate to wait until the probability of success for any Northern Ireland-wide truth process is realistically high, rather than press ahead with the likelihood of failure, or partial success at best.

30. We expect the government to keep the possibility of a truth recovery process under constant review, and that it should be alert to, encourage and publicise, imaginative and proven local ways of facilitating truth telling which might have a wider application. We were encouraged that the Secretary of State was in favour of such a process when the time was right, and that he did not rule out an independent element in setting it up in order to provide confidence to all parts of the community.[34] He is to be commended for this open minded approach.

31. In explaining the reasons for his decision to place on hold progress towards a full consultation about a truth recovery process for Northern Ireland, the Secretary of State drew on the comparison between South Africa, where fundamental political consensus provided a solid basis for a truth and reconciliation process, and Northern Ireland where political "accommodation" prevails at best between those who wish to continue to be a part of the United Kingdom and those who wish Northern Ireland to be unified with the Republic of Ireland.[35]

32. This raises the question of whether, if full political consensus similar to that enjoyed by South Africa is an essential prerequisite for a truth recovery process, such a process, if initiated, will ever be able to contribute positively towards healing the wounds of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The government is right to be wary of initiating truth processes which do not appear to enjoy firm, cross-community support. At the same time, we hope that in these matters the government will balance caution with imagination and leadership. Northern Ireland has made astonishing progress in the past ten years, and while care must be taken not to place too great a strain on what is a fragile peace, no sensible opportunity must be lost to carry the process of healing forward.

Activities

33. The decision of the government to halt consultation on a formal process of truth recovery for the time being does not mean, however, that vigorous parallel action now to promote the improvement of inter-community relations, to assist victims and survivors, and to encourage their contribution to society at all levels and in all possible ways, is not necessary. An official truth recovery process is only one component of 'dealing' with the past.[36] The justification for such activities has never been stronger, and the evidence we have published with this interim report is testament to the broad range of high quality work which is being undertaken currently by a large number of organisations and individuals.

34. The activities of non-governmental organisations which are responsible for providing a broad range of support to victims, encouragement in remaking their lives after trauma, and assisting them to live again in wider society are impressive: for example, Combat Stress,[37] The Tim Parry Johnathan Ball Trust,[38] The Haven Project,[39] Families Acting for Innocent Relatives (FAIR),[40] Families Achieving Change Together (FACT),[41] Firinne,[42] WAVE Trauma Centre,[43] Omagh Support and Self Help Group (Omagh Victims Group),[44] Families of the Disappeared, [45] Training for Women Network,[46] Disabled Police Officers Association (Northern Ireland).[47] The work of the trauma advisory panels is also important and must not be overlooked.[48]

35. These organisations, and many other like them, undertake a wide range of important work. For example, WAVE, which was set up in 1991, and which provides cross community support services to people who are bereaved, traumatised or injured as a result of the 'Troubles',[49] undertakes an average of 4,000 client visits and receives over 600 new referrals annually.[50] It provides accredited training programmes, and specialist services and group support, in a number of centres throughout Northern Ireland.[51] This is one example only of such groups. There are many others in the evidence we have collected.

Strategies

36. We have been impressed also by the positive contribution of other organisations and individuals, not all necessarily oriented exclusively to the particular needs of victims and survivors of the Northern Ireland 'Troubles', whose contributions to the literature and practice are extremely important in providing a stimulating and challenging context for activities in this area: for example, Healing Through Remembering,[52] the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission,[53] Falls Community Council,[54] The Pat Finucane Centre,[55] Community Relations Council,[56] One Small Step Campaign,[57] Mr Brandon Hamber,[58] Professor Tom Hadden,[59] Mr Oscar Daly, [60] and Ms Priscilla Hayner.[61]

37. As an example, the 'Healing Through Remembering' initiative has identified a wide range of "forms of remembering": "storytelling and oral history; memorials; museums, exhibitions and art; public and collective commemorations; truth recovery processes; other forms of legal processes; community and intercommunity interactions; support for individuals and victims; research and social policy development; centre for remembrance; a financial response; education and training; supporting current remembering processes; self-examination of institutions and apologies."[62] This list constitutes a very bracing renewal agenda for any society, and has gained acceptance as "probably the most thorough public and civil society investigation to date of strategies for dealing with the past in Northern Ireland."[63] The Secretary of State, too, emphasized that one particular lesson he had taken away from those who had been involved closely in the truth and reconciliation experience in South Africa was the great importance of story-telling in a wide variety of forms.[64]

People

38. Amongst the most striking and illuminating evidence we heard was from individuals who were prepared to assist our inquiry by taking the time to share with us their views on the subject of inquiry in the light of their searingly painful personal experiences, for example, Mr Colin Parry,[65] Mrs Barbara Deane,[66] Mrs Celia Gourley,[67] Mrs Rosalind Dillon-Lee.[68] We are enormously grateful to all of them, and others, for giving us the opportunity to learn from what they have experienced, and to hear their views of how the future should be informed by the past. We urge anyone who reads this report to look carefully at the views which these individuals have expressed in their evidence to us.

39. The activities of many organisations and individuals at community level throughout Northern Ireland amount, in effect, to a labour of rebuilding society to try and ensure that the problems of the past do not extend to the future in the lives of communities and individuals whom they serve. The lives of many thousands of individuals are affected by the work of these groups, and the evidence we received, and the visits we undertook, strengthened our view that these efforts are absolutely essential to the process of 'dealing' with Northern Ireland's past; indeed, that at present these efforts constitute 'dealing' with the past in a very real sense, and should be recognised collectively as so doing. The details of the work being undertaken by these groups and individuals is set out in the evidence we have gathered which accompanies this interim report.

40. It is also necessary to be realistic about the length of time that 'healing' society in Northern Ireland is likely to take. It is clear to us that this is not a process which will take months or years, but rather decades. The government, and all those involved, need to ensure that their policies and structures of support for victims and survivors are tailored with this timescale in fully mind.

Funding

41. Official funding for victims groups comes from a variety of sources.[69] One of the problems faced by victims' organisations, a variety of support bodies,[70] and individual victims, is adequate funding. We heard that several worthy groups, for example, WAVE were concerned about the continuity of funding.[71]

42. There also seems to be a troubling disparity between the compensation received by those at the start of the "Troubles", often astonishingly small, and those injured later.[72] We asked the Minister about this and she indicated that while cases of need had been addressed by the Northern Ireland Memorial Fund, no money from central funds had been used for the purpose of enhancing the early payments.[73]

43. In reply to a Written Parliamentary Question the government stated that, in the period 1998 to 2004, it provided almost £28 million to victims' groups.[74] In stark contrast, the total cost of the 'Bloody Sunday' inquiry which began hearing oral evidence in 1999 will have cost £155 million by its anticipated close in 2005 according to the Northern Ireland Office's Departmental Report 2004.[75] The Minister told us that annual funding for victims in 2004-05 from the UK government directly was "just under £4 million"; and "around £5 million" if European PEACE II funding is added.[76] The sums spent on victims in Northern Ireland are not insignificant, but pale by comparison with those absorbed by the 'Bloody Sunday' inquiry alone.

44. It is vital that the work of groups supporting victims and survivors is supported and developed financially as a priority by the government. High profile inquiries such as that into the 'Bloody Sunday' deaths, and those of others,[77] may have their place. But the constant work of supporting victims and victims groups is of incomparable value in providing a tangible way for those most damaged by the past to make a positive contribution on a daily basis to Northern Ireland's future.

45. We note that the government's consultation paper of 1 March contains some proposals to co-ordinate present funding mechanisms for victims and victims groups more effectively. This is welcome, but seems to us a disproportionately modest response to a vital area. We think a more radical approach is needed, carrying with it the promise of a 'step change' in the level of funding available to victims and survivors. The government must consider, as a matter of urgency, whether the present level of victims' funding truly matches the importance of the work that the victims and victims' groups undertake. It is our present view, based on the evidence we have had, that these are by no means in proper balance, and that more funding is required.

46. However, what is holding many groups back is not only lack of money, but the uncertainty of funding in the medium to long term. We wish to stress that no group which is undertaking such valuable work should be in doubt over the continuity of funding. The Minister's view is that the three year plan for victims' groups set out in the consultation document will inform future funding decisions, and that this will be a job for the proposed Victims' and Survivors' Commissioner.[78] However, we are very concerned that there is no precise timescale attached to achieving this planning conclusion, and that even if the government's plans to appoint a Commissioner proceed, that it will be 2006 at least before the present unsatisfactory financial arrangements for victims' groups begin to be tackled. This appears to us a too tardy response. It is the government's responsibility to ensure that uncertainties over the funding for victims' groups are reduced to the minimum as quickly as possible, and it should begin immediately to prepare for implementation of the corporate and financial planning model set out in the consultation document which a Commissioner, if appointed later this year or in 2006, can pick up in due course.

47. Some of the victims in the late 1960s and 1970s when the 'Troubles' were at their height received very small amounts of compensation by comparison with later payments. The government must ensure, so far as is possible, that the level of compensation received by victims of violence throughout the 'Troubles' is demonstrably fair and, in particular, that a way is found of enhancing the relatively poor compensation offered to those in the late 1960s and 1970s. We expect the government to consider this point as a matter of priority.

'Disappeared'

48. We were privileged to hear from relatives of some of those who have 'disappeared' as a result of the violence over the years. Their plight is particularly poignant: "Abducted, murdered and secretly buried, their families have struggled with the pain and trauma of bereavement in addition to the agony of not knowing where their loved ones are buried and why and how they were taken."[79] There are seventeen "known cases of individuals who are suspected of having been murdered and secretly buried….nine were named by the IRA in the Spring of 1999 as having been murdered by members of their organisations and their bodies hidden across a number of areas in the South. The INLA claimed one death that of Seamus Ruddy buried in a forest near Rouen in France. The remaining are unclaimed…."[80] Twelve of the seventeen remain undiscovered.[81]

49. We were deeply disturbed to hear that the representatives who spoke to us were far from satisfied with the support they had received from the UK and Republic of Ireland governments as well as, in one case, the French government.[82] There appeared to be a reprehensible lack of international governmental co-ordination in striving to bring closure to these cases, and perhaps most disturbing, poor communications with some, at least, of the families.[83] While we appreciate that this is an issue of particular sensitivity and difficulty, it applies to a relatively small group of families, and we find it extraordinary that the governments appear to have been so unsuccessful in ensuring the recovery of the remains of the families' loved ones.

50. That a significant number of the 'disappeared' remain unaccounted for, and their bodies undiscovered; that the families of the 'disappeared' feel obliged to take the opportunity afforded by this inquiry to bring their concerns and frustrations to us, in some cases over three decades since the disappearances took place; that the governments have, to date, failed in their efforts to enable these families to achieve closure for their hurt and, as a result, the families feel, in their own memorable words that " We might as well disappear when it comes to it because we have to keep coming forward and saying we are still here",[84] is very disappointing. We look to the governments for a renewed effort, and to those who have relevant information to come forward without delay.

51. The lives of these families have been blighted by the uncertainty about what exactly has happened to their loved ones. Until those who have information come forward to enable the remains outstanding to be discovered, it will in our view be impossible for Northern Ireland to move forward fully. The governments concerned need to give this issue a much higher priority, and must seek success much harder and more consistently than before. Named Ministers and officials should publicly take individual responsibility for the cases, and there should be regular, fixed meetings to update the families until a satisfactory outcome is achieved. We expect the UK government to press the governments of the Republic of Ireland and France to agree a similar approach, and for there to be a renewed determination to bring all these cases to a satisfactory conclusion.

'Acknowledgement' and 'apology'

52. Just as the conflict in Northern Ireland has diminished the quality of life in all sorts of ways for a majority of people for over 30 years, and has in a real sense 'victimised' everyone, so we heard that there are many who need to take responsibility for the situation which resulted directly and indirectly in the deaths of thousands and widespread physical and mental trauma, including some of those acting in the name of the United Kingdom government.[85]

53. It is true that many in Northern Ireland "refuse to accept that they did anything wrong or that their action (or inaction) was complicit in perpetuating the conflict",[86] but we were struck forcibly by how often those who wrote or spoke to us sought relief from the acknowledgement by others of a shared responsibility for the tragedy in Northern Ireland of the past decades.

54. The power of such acts was also expressed in the words of one witness who sought to stress that the process of 'truth recovery' "could usefully begin with an acknowledgement on the part of all the key players of their part in the conflict. She considered that "Such acknowledgement can 'loosen up' the resistance to reconciliation" and instanced the Prime Minister's recent apology as " a useful contribution to this process."[87]

55. While the advantages of such actions may be manifest, extreme difficulties emerge when the demand for 'acknowledgement' appears to stray over into 'apology', and some of these difficulties were expressed vividly and lucidly by the representative of a Loyalist organisation, the Ex-prisoners interpretative centre ( EPIC):

"I would have preferred to have lived my life and caused no harm to anyone, but given the circumstances that I was brought up in and the political conflict that raged at that time, I certainly was not sorry about what I was engaged in at that time. Certainly, with hindsight there could have been better ways to do things and that is how I would look to give some reparation to the community, use my influence and my experience to impress upon young people that violence is perhaps not the best way to go about resolving conflict. If I can do that then I will have performed some service, but to express remorse for something that happened 20 or 30 years ago, at that time I believed in what I was doing was right."[88]

56. While a measure of understanding of the circumstances in which the heinous acts of the past were committed may be necessary, such understanding alone is not sufficient to provide a means of future 'reconciliation'. This is particularly so when the anger of those who have been the unwitting victims of acts of extreme violence remains raw years after an outrage, and they are uncertain about how any process of 'reconciliation' or 'dealing with the past' can start in their own lives.[89] Arriving at a balance between acknowledgment of, and apology for, past violence is a profoundly difficult issue for all those concerned.

57. What is not at issue is the strength of the desire for apologies on the part of the victims of terrorism. We heard that 'apology' can take many forms, and serve many purposes. For example, Mrs Janet Hunter told us that "The best apology they could give me is never again to pick up a gun, bullet or harm another human being in this Province."[90] We heard a similar point, "If the peace process were to go forward I would be quite happy if the 17 B-men never said they were sorry as long as nobody's children or grandchildren had to go through what we went through."[91]

58. Mrs Gourley said "I think that there do need to be apologies right from the top down and from all the political parties."[92] Mrs Maureen Mitchell said "They [terrorists] need to admit it. I am not saying that they have to go down on their knees; that is not going to make any difference to people, but they have got to acknowledge that they did wrong."[93] Mrs Deane told us movingly that "The point of having an apology right across the board is to begin to respect each other and for me to say that you are different but that does not mean that I should wipe you off the face of the earth. That is a reason I would ask for an apology, for the community. I do not need one for myself because I have forgiven and that is me personally."[94] These eloquent words spoken by witnesses who have been touched most tragically by the brutality of the past speak for themselves.

59. When we raised the question of apologies with the Secretary of State he said that "governments have to say sorry and paramilitary organisations have to say sorry". He also pointed to uncertainty about whether "such general apologies have the impact that people think they might have upon the reconciliation process", and suggested that a "more bottom-up process where you actually deal with individual human beings and their problems is the most effective way because people differ so much."[95] He considered that one task for the postponed government consultation on ways of dealing with Northern Ireland's past was to assess the importance of general apologies by the government and other organisations.

60. The difficulties of assuming personal responsibility for the problems that have scarred Northern Ireland are obvious. Equally obvious, from what our witnesses have told us, is the profound power of wholehearted 'acknowledgment' and 'apology' in re-establishing the mutual respect between the people and communities of Northern Ireland, and beginning to heal the personal agony of individuals, that is the foundation for a truly shared future. The extent of the brutalisation and agony suffered by Northern Ireland over the past decades is so great that there is surely room for all those who have been involved to bear a measure of public witness to their culpability.

61. Not everyone is ready to accept apologies from perpetrators of crimes arising from the conflict, and it is probable that some people, for perfectly understandable reasons, will never be able to do so. It is also important that apologies are couched in ways which do not diminish the deaths, injuries and sacrifices made by the people of Northern Ireland. Apologies by themselves are not likely to transform mutual incomprehension and mistrust. We are convinced, however, that acts of contrition are a key element in the overall construction of a shared future. As always, we look to the government to demonstrate active leadership in seeking to build a positive future for Northern Ireland, and in this spirit we expect it to continue to reflect carefully on how 'acknowledgement' and 'apology' can play a part in this central process.


10   Q 493 Back

11   Qq 470, 475 Back

12   Qq 25, 158 Back

13   Qq115-118, 256, 396 Back

14   Q 256 Back

15   Services for Victims and Survivors, Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, 1 March 2005, p 6 Back

16   Q 848 Back

17   Ev 214, Ev 100, Ev 100, Q 768 Back

18   http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/trc_frameset.htm Back

19   DP 64. Hayner P.B. (2002) Unspeakable Truths, Facing the Challenge of Truth Commissions, London, and New York, Routledge, pp1-9. She discusses 21 commissions, but indicates that there may be more, op cit. p 32 Back

20   HC Deb, 27 May 2004, col 91WS Back

21   Q 24 Back

22   Q 761 Back

23   Q 477 Back

24   Q 755 Back

25   Qq 248, 464, 543, 553-554, 726 Back

26   Northern Ireland Office, News Release, 8 March 2005 Back

27   Q 508 Back

28   Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, Fifth Report of Session 2004-05, The Functions of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, HC 344, para 48 Back

29   Q 837 Back

30   Q 838 Back

31   Q 838 Back

32   Q 845 Back

33   Q 807 Back

34   Q 843 Back

35   Q 842 Back

36   Ev 202 Back

37   Ev 131 Back

38   Ev 12 Back

39   Ev 228 Back

40   Ev 173 Back

41   Ev 62 Back

42   Ev 47 Back

43   Ev 68 Back

44   Ev 172 Back

45   Ev 68, Ev 343 Back

46   Ev 194 Back

47   Ev 123 Back

48   Ev 315, Ev 330 Back

49   Q 255 Back

50   Q 279 Back

51   Qq 281, 282, 283 Back

52   Ev 197 Back

53   Ev 144 Back

54   Ev 325 Back

55   Ev 80 Back

56   Ev 33 Back

57   Ev 118 Back

58   Ev 202 Back

59   Ev 164 Back

60   Ev 285 Back

61   Ev 331 Back

62   Ev 198 Back

63   Ev 202 Back

64   Qq 838, 842 Back

65   Ev 214 Back

66   Ev 100 Back

67   Ev 100 Back

68   Ev 142 Back

69   The main sources of funding for victims and victims' groups are listed in the government's consultation document of 1 March 2005, Services for Victims and Survivors and include: the EU PEACE II Victims measure under the European Programme for Peace and Reconciliation - £6.1 administered by the Community Foundation for Northern Ireland; the Victims and Survivors Core Funding Scheme "which is essentially designed to allow the work of victims' groups to be sustained" and the Victims' Survivors Groups' Development Grant Scheme "which provides grants of up to £10K to allow groups to carry out specific pieces of work" - both administered by the Community Relations Council which also runs the Community relations and Cultural Diversity Scheme; and the Northern Ireland Memorial Fund, an independent charity, "for individual victims and survivors" and which is "substantially funded by the UK and Irish Governments", pp 24,25; see also, Office of the First and Deputy First Minister, Reshape, Rebuild, Achieve: delivering practical help and services to victims of the conflict in Northern Ireland, April 2002, pp 19 - 22. Full details of all funding sources for victims and survivors may be found at the website http://www.victimsni.gov.uk/funding.htm  Back

70   For example, Training For Women, Ev 194. A good example of the effect which funding difficulties have on such organisations is contained in the supplementary submission of Training For Women, Ev 194 Back

71   Q 316 Back

72   Q 448 Back

73   Q 869 Back

74   HC Deb, 18 January 2005, cols 891W - 894W Back

75   This sum represented the Department's "best estimate", Northern Ireland Office, Departmental Report 2004, Cm 6229, April 2004, p 22 Back

76   Qq 866, 867 Back

77   Ev 236 Back

78   Q 869 Back

79   Ev 343 Back

80   Ibid Back

81   Ev 343 Back

82   Q 294 Back

83   Qq 312, 335 Back

84   Q 335 Back

85   For example, Ev 43, Ev 46, Ev 47, Ev 280, Ev 291. The Secretary of State's statement to Parliament on 1 March 2005 acknowledges that "for some, the Government's role in past events is itself seen as an issue; and it is hard for some sections of the community to see us as a genuinely neutral party. ", HC Deb, 1 March 2005, Cols 81 -84 WS  Back

86   Ev 204 Back

87   Ev 218. Tony Blair, the Prime Minister, made an apology on 9 February 2005 to the families of those mistakenly convicted of the Guilford and Woolwich terrorist bombings in 1974. The apology was recorded for television transmission from No 10 Downing Street and may be viewed on line at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/4249175.stm  Back

88   Qq 48-52 Back

89   Qq 438,439 Back

90   Q 243 Back

91   Q 550 Back

92   Q 461 Back

93   Q 461 Back

94   Q 463 Back

95   Q 848 Back


 
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