4 Conclusion - ways forward
69. There may come a time when a formal, national
'truth recovery' process will contribute positively to the normalisation
of society in Northern Ireland but, on the basis of the evidence
we have received to date, that time has not yet arrived: the peace
is as yet too fragile, the scars of the conflict too fresh, the
co-operation of parts of Northern Ireland's population is not
assured, the political conditions are not yet sufficiently settled,
and the conflict in the estimation of many people is not yet finally
over. Were such a process to be put in train now, it is our view
that this might have the effect of exacerbating community tensions.
70. While we agree, therefore, with the Secretary
of State's decision, announced on 1 March, not to proceed at present
with his broad consultation on the form of any such process, it
will be absolutely essential for the government to ensure that
the people of Northern Ireland understand fully that this decision
does not imply that the government has ceased to listen to their
views on Northern Ireland's future. The government needs also
to be constantly alert to, and be prepared actively to nurture,
any emerging future consensus which indicates that a formal 'truth
recovery' process would be timely and helpful. The Secretary of
State has given his personal view on the matter, namely, the hope
that such a process will be possible at some suitable time. We
agree with that.[114]
71. Properly approached, we consider that the
level and quality of support available to victims and survivors,
and their status within society is an excellent measure of that
society's maturity and sensitivity. We have suggested in this
short report that the government needs to examine whether it is
giving sufficient priority, and being sufficiently imaginative,
in approaching this vital task.
72. Victims represent more than a group which
requires and is wholly worthy of broad support. Victims are a
primary resource in the process of transformational healing which
is at the core of building a better future for Northern Ireland,
but their full potential will be unlocked only when their experiences
are fully acknowledged and respected throughout Northern Ireland
society. Nothing could be more detrimental to the progress of
peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland than to marginalise
victims. We look to the government to take a strong lead in ensuring
that victims have the influence and esteem, and the part in the
rebuilding of society at all levels in Northern Ireland, to which
their experiences entitle them.
73. It is far from our intention to place any
additional pressures upon those who have suffered most from the
'Troubles'. It is our hope, rather, that the government will do
everything possible to enable and empower those who have been
touched uniquely by the conflict in order that they may contribute
centrally to the wider process of building a normal society for
Northern Ireland, should they so wish.
74. While much of the evidence we heard and read
has been harrowing, our final impression is one of enormous optimism.
There is evidently a keen hunger for peace and the re-creation
of mutual respect between the communities, coupled to an ingenuity
and imagination on the part of many in seeking a meaning for the
future of life in Northern Ireland free from the terror, pain
and seeming despair of the past. These admirable characteristics
are exemplified magnificently in the lives and experiences of
many of those whom we have been privileged to hear from over the
past eight weeks. We commend this signal bravery to the government,
churches, political parties, and other leaders of civil society
as a spur to their own efforts to forge a society for Northern
Ireland based firmly on peace and tolerance.
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