Access to the marked register
124. The Parliamentary Under-Secretary, Department
for Constitutional Affairs, accepted in oral evidence that "there
is a lacuna in the arrangements [for access to the marked register]
which I think we do need to look at in a legislative context".[278]
Shortly after we finished taking evidence for this inquiry, the
Electoral Commission published a report on the marked register
which recommended that this lacuna be removed.[279]
The Commission called for primary legislation to bring the access
regime for electoral registers marked at polling stations broadly
into line with that currently applying to the full electoral register,
that is that marked registers would be available for public inspection
under supervision. Copies of marked registers should also be made
available to political parties, candidates and agents for electoral
purposes and to statutory agencies for law enforcement purposes
only, such as the courts in the instance of election petitions
and to other named organisations upon request. It should not be
made available to other agencies, such as credit reference agencies,
who have access to the full register. Other election documents
to be made available for public inspection only should be the
list of tendered votes;[280]
the lists of voters with disabilities who voted with the assistance
of a companion; the declarations made by the companions of voters
with disabilities; and the list of votes marked by the Presiding
Officer and related statements. Currently these documents are
also available for purchase.[281]
Other recommendations related to the creation of marked registers
of returned postal votes and votes cast by remote electronic means
which should be made available only after polling day and subject
to the same terms and conditions as the polling station marked
register. An elector should also be able to check with an ERO
whether their postal vote has been received. [282]
125. Concerns over the marked register were raised
by several witnesses during the inquiry, including the Association
of Electoral Administrators and the Scottish Assessors Association,
who both supported the restriction of the register to political
parties only.[283]
The Information Commissioner went further and was "not persuaded
that it is right to treat the marked register as a fully public
document", arguing that "public inspection to guard
against fraud seems proper. Making copies available to profile
the behaviour of individuals looks more doubtful."[284]
His Deputy clarified in oral evidence that this meant that "Complete
copies should not be published, although a member of the public,
and in this respect probably political parties would be exercising
the greatest interest, should be able to inspect marked copies
of the register in order to ensure against impersonation and any
other electoral fraud."[285]
Unsurprisingly, this view was not shared by the political parties,
with the Conservative party and Liberal Democrats agreeing with
Mr Watt from the Labour party that "we should argue very
strongly that the marked register should remain available to political
parties."[286]
126. Given the significance of this issue in terms
of human rights and data protection, and the apparent divergence
of the views of the Electoral Commission and the Information Commissioner,
this is a clear case where consultation with the narrow range
of interested parties would be of value. We recommend that
the Government publish its response to the Electoral Commission's
report on the marked register in good time and allow limited consultation
on its plan for action before moving to legislate in time for
the next General Election but one. We believe that the marked
register, including postal voters, should be available to political
parties.
Anonymous registration
127. Given the tradition that the electoral register
should be a public document, there is surprising consensus around
the suggestion that anonymous registration should be allowed in
certain circumstances. The Government is developing proposals
for a system which would allow registration for those who believe
that their appearance in the register may be the source of a threat
to their safety.[287]
The Government envisages that owing to stringent criteria the
number of anonymous registration entries would be very low.[288]
In evidence the Parliamentary Under-Secretary, Department for
Constitutional Affairs, stressed that it did "not want it
to become like an ex-directory system where you get literally
half the population going ex-directory",[289]
picking up an analogy used by the Information Commissioner.[290]
128. In the absence of published proposals from the
Government there is room for some disagreement around how and
to whom anonymous registration should apply. The Deputy Information
Commissioner preferred to talk of "pseudonymous registration",
whereby people could register "under a code or something
like that, but some means of keeping off the publicly available
register the name linked to the address".[291]
The Information Commissioner's memorandum indicated that he would
"welcome" the possibility of such pseudonymous registration.[292]
In oral evidence his deputy suggested that it should apply to
"those who are perhaps the subject of a witness protection
programme or battered wives or others who are trying to hide their
address entirely legitimately".[293]
Others would apply a more stringent test, with the facility only
offered to those "at significant risk of physical harm".[294]
The Labour party, which like the other major parties supports
the principle of anonymous registration, believed that "such
registration should be very much the exception and may require
certification by an appropriate public authority, e.g. police,
social services or a bona fide charity".[295]
The Association of Electoral Administrators further suggested
that those awarded anonymous registration should be allowed to
vote by post or proxy only.[296]
129. We recognise that this is a serious issue:
both in the dangers to people who are traced through the register
and in the deterrent to register such a threat creates for some
people. Not all who are deterred in this way would be considered
as suitable cases for anonymous registration. SOLACE told us that
at the moment this issue is "dealt with in various ways at
many authorities".[297]
We believe that there needs to be a standard policy on anonymous
registration which should apply across the country. The Government's
proposals will no doubt take some time to appear and may require
legislation to implement. We recommend that they be produced for
consultation as soon as possible. In the meantime, we recommend
that either the Electoral Commission or the Government draw up
clear guidelines for EROs to apply when considering requests for
anonymous registration and that guidance be made available to
them for dealing with particular cases.
130. A related issue is the editing out of the register
of any reference to disabled people needing assistance with the
ballot. Scope and Sense
both argued that a facility for disabled people to indicate a
desire for such assistance would be advantageous but that its
inclusion in the published register could render them vulnerable
and that a person's chosen format for election matters should
remain confidential.[298]
We agree that the registration process
should allow disabled people to indicate a desire for assistance
but that reference to this should not be included in the published
register. We see no reason why this measure should not be implemented
regardless of progress in the introduction of individual registration
or other related matters.
267 Ev 3, para 29 , HC243-II [DCA/ODPM] Back
268
Q246 [Mr Dumper] Back
269
Eg Association of Electoral Administrators, Ev 34, Southampton
City Council Liberal Democrat Group and Southampton City Council
Labour Group, Ev 36, paragraph (f) , HC243-II Back
270
Q243 [Mr Dumper] Back
271
Ibid Back
272
Ev 82, para 33 , HC243-II [ERS] Back
273 Ev
15, para 10.1 [Electoral Commission]; Ev 32 [Association of Electoral
Administrators]; Ev 82, para 33 [ERS] , HC243-II Back
274
Q72 [Mr Aldhouse] Back
275
Ev 81, HC243-III [DCA/ODPM] Back
276
Ev 41, HC243-II [Experian] Back
277 OSCE,
Guidelines for Reviewing a Legal Framework for Elections (2001),
page 14 Back
278
Q358 [Mr Leslie] Back
279
The Electoral Commission, The marked electoral register,
February 2005 Back
280
A tendered ballot paper is offered to a person who seeks to vote
at a polling station but whose name has already been marked on
the register at the polling station as having cast a vote [The
Electoral Commission, The marked electoral register, para 1.26]
Back
281
The Electoral Registration, The marked electoral register,
page 31 Back
282
Ibid, Executive summary, pp 5-7 Back
283
Ev 34 [Association of Electoral Administrators]; Ev 63 [SAA] ,
HC243-II Back
284
Ev 53 , HC243-II [Information Commissioner] Back
285
Q90 [Mr Aldhouse] Back
286
Q143 [Mr Simpson, Mr Pack, Mr Watt] Back
287
Ev 4, para 36 , HC243-II [DCA/ODPM] Back
288
Ibid Back
289
Q353 [Mr Leslie] Back
290
Q71 [Mr Aldhouse] Back
291
Ibid Back
292
Ev 50, para 2 , HC243-II [Information Commissioner] Back
293
Q71 [Mr Aldhouse] Back
294
Ev 82, para 38 , HC243-II [ERS] Back
295
Ev 58, para 4.2, HC243-III [Labour party] Back
296
Ev 34, HC243-II [Association of Electoral Administrators] Back
297
Ev 66, HC243-III [SOLACE] Back
298
Ev 18, para 13 [Scope]; Ev 38, para 6.1 [Sense], HC243-II Back