Select Committee on Procedure Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 160-179)

9 MARCH 2005

MS SALLY KEEBLE MP

  Q160 Mr Illsley: Throughout the submission you have made and the case that you referred to, the Princess Diana case, is it a question of delay which is the whole problem here in achieving an inquest? Are we not in danger of disguising the problem being that of delay by looking at the sub judice rule? In other words, if a case in your constituency, for example, occurred in April 2004, if an inquest had been held and decided upon by May of that year and a decision had been taken as to whether any criminal proceedings would follow on from that, the problem would not have arisen, would it? You would perhaps have been happy to have allowed that coroner's inquest to proceed and then a decision to be taken. Most of the problems that you would want to refer to flowing from that incident might have been addressed. Is it a question that we could be confusing the real villain of the piece here?

  Ms Keeble: I have thought about that point because it was raised during the process. I am not convinced about that. One thing that is clear is that there has never been any rationale for extending the sub judice rule to the coroner's court. If you look at the joint committee's report, it is slipped in, in 3(a), that a coroner's court counts as a court of law and it is slipped in in Stephen Twigg's speech as well. There has never been any justification or explanation for it. It is right that the mischief would not be so bad if there was not sometimes such a delay about coroners' courts, but there is still a principle issue there about why and whether it is right that a coroner's court should be included as a court in terms of the rule. It is made much worse by the delay but quite often you do see coroners' courts opening and adjourning and they remain adjourned for a long time; or you get a sudden death and some years later you get the inquest. Life has gone on in the meantime and it does not influence the inquest. Is it really right that theoretically during that time presumably you should not have discussed the case? If you really look at it, it is probably not appropriate to have a sub judice rule apply to coroner's court.

  Q161 Sir Robert Smith: One issue that was put to us as to why you would want to include coroners' courts was that their decisions can have an impact on people in terms of the decisions they make and the outcome of the decisions of the court can impact on people's lives. Therefore, it is a decision that still should not be prejudiced.

  Ms Keeble: Everything can have an impact on people. Anything that is said in Parliament can have an impact on people for a whole variety of reasons. When you are talking about the sub judice rule, you are not just talking about the courts; you are talking about the right of the individual to have a fair trial and to be properly represented by their Member of Parliament and therefore the right of free speech and how you balance those two rights. If there is not a right to a fair trial because it is a coroner's court, it would seem to me that the sub judice rule is inappropriate because it prevents an MP doing their job in other ways.

  Q162 Chairman: Do you not take the view that Parliament is the high court of Parliament and, because it is the high court of Parliament and an exceptional place and people often take what is said here as gospel, do you think therefore that Members of Parliament need to be particularly and exceptionally careful about what they say relating to a matter that is either before a judicial court or even a coroner's court or, for that matter, even an employment or other tribunal, where people cannot necessarily be found guilty? What is said in Parliament might well have an influence on the ultimate decision of a coroner's court or a tribunal.

  Ms Keeble: Being careful about something is different from not being able to talk about it at all. The sub judice rule means you cannot raise it. Because we have the privilege here of freedom of speech, it is right that we have to take that seriously about a whole range of different things. That includes sometimes libelling or slandering people and the kind of remarks that we make on that level. It seems to me quite wrong that the sub judice rule which is intended to protect a person's right to a fair trial should then be extended not just to cover something which is not a trial but also even a tangential reference to the underlying issue.

  Q163 Huw Irranca-Davies: Specifically on coroners' courts which you make a particular case for, you do put a powerful case forward that they should be in some ways an exception. You have probably seen Lord Goldsmith's evidence where he says that there is an impact of discussion in the public domain. A coroner's court may determine, he says, whether an insurance policy pays out, subsequent criminal proceedings or whether civil proceedings take place. They can, in his words, be significant and prejudiced. Also, the Coroners' Society goes on to talk about the impact that it could have on a jury within a coroner's court. How would you respond to those concerns?

  Ms Keeble: Take a concrete example which is the Northamptonshire one. Opened on 28 April last year after a boy died, adjourned since then and when it is heard, because it was a death in custody, it will be heard by a jury. There is not even a date for it resuming. There will be a general election before then so if I am not around afterwards who knows? The whole affair of the violence towards children in these centres might simply disappear off the agenda completely, which I think would be outrageous. There might well be a case for saying once you have a date for the hearing, where it is an inquest that is going to be heard by a jury, it should not be raised in Parliament while the court is sitting, but for the whole year that it is adjourned, to say that you cannot ask about violence towards children in residential institutions in Northamptonshire I think is an outrage. Let us put it the other way. Yes, I would feel dreadful if something I said interfered with an inquest, even if nobody was being tried. People are more likely to be influenced by the soaps than by me. If in the meantime there is another death in one of these places how do you think I will feel then? I am very clear about which I would feel worse about. As it happens, there has been another child apparently who has had some difficulties in one of these places.

  Q164 Huw Irranca-Davies: You raise a very interesting and fine distinction there, between raising an issue which is not necessarily specific to an individual constituent but it could be an issue that could affect many other people. For example, issues around corporate manslaughter, Crown immunity from prosecution. I have had cases on my patch where I have raised the issues that have come out of individual cases whilst proceedings were underway but not with reference, because of the worries of sub judice, to the individual constituent per se. Would you think that is the fine distinction that we need to focus on?

  Ms Keeble: I have been stopped from asking any questions about the issue. It is not just about the individual case which is not a constituent in any event. You have to be absolutely clear if you are going to limit freedom of speech and more importantly the right of MPs to hold the executive to account there has to be a very good reason for it. My constituents' right to a fair trial is a good reason. I am not convinced about the other reasons. The importance of not influencing a jury that is making a decision is obviously an important issue but I would argue that that is limited to the duration of the hearing and it does not extend even weeks in advance of that. I think it is quite wrong to say, just because there might be some theoretical influencing of the people who are looking at the facts of this particular case, that questions around the issue should not be asked at all.

  Q165 Huw Irranca-Davies: Do you think it is appropriate within a coroner's court case whilst proceedings are underway to raise specific, individual instances of a case as opposed to your very valid point which is possibly protecting lives that may arise out of similar instances unless they are tackled? Do you think it is fair to raise individual circumstances?

  Ms Keeble: You would have to define "while the hearings are underway" because if a court is adjourned it would seem to me to apply a gag for the whole duration while the coroner's court is adjourned is quite wrong. To stop an MP standing up and making some statement on a hearing which is taking place seems to be quite fair but to apply that for the duration of an adjournment would seem to me to be completely disproportionate.

  Q166 Huw Irranca-Davies: Do you think there is some case to be made for perhaps at the Speaker's discretion to say that, if a coroner's court is sitting for an unduly long period or has not even convened for a year or two years, that is a case where an MP should be able to go to the Speaker and say, "I am now frustrated on behalf of my constituent. I want at your discretion to be able to raise the individual case, to push it forward both as a general issue and the specifics because it is not being addressed within the coroner's court"?

  Ms Keeble: The rule should be clearer in the first place. I think it should not apply to a coroner's court unless it is before a jury and then only when the inquest is being heard, which is normally only a matter of a couple of days anyway.

  Q167 Chairman: Is it your view that coroners' courts adjourn a matter for far too long and that an adjournment of great length is unjustified?

  Ms Keeble: I do not know. It is dependent on the investigations. The other problem with coroners' courts is that sometimes they are only convened or reconvened quite long after the event. I am thinking of the Marchioness one here. It was adjourned for a long time because the police investigations were very complicated. I know in the case of the Northamptonshire one that there is some concern about the length of the adjournment and the length of time it is taking to complete the investigations and to get a decision out of the Crown Prosecution Service. If you take the Princess Diana one, that came a very long time after the event. I would not say whether that is right or wrong. It highlights the unfairness or injustice that can be caused by having a sub judice rule applying during adjournments.

  Chairman: Can I give you an assurance that the Procedure Committee hopes to produce its report before the next general election—ie, before the dissolution of this current Parliament—and whatever the election result in Northampton North the evidence given by Sally Keeble will be there for posterity and your evidence will be fully and properly taken into account by this Committee in drawing up its report. I hope that gives you some reassurance.

  David Wright: It is nice to know that we have a year in which to consider this before the date of the general election.

  Chairman: I did not say that!

  Q168 David Wright: I wanted to focus on a point that you made in your evidence about a question that Rudi Vis was able to put down in relation to this situation, about the death of this boy in a residential institution. I know we cannot go into the details of the case but could you talk to us about the difference that you see in the way that Rudi Vis was able to structure his question and why you feel that is not effective enough or does not go far enough or does not allow us to delve deeply enough into the issues?

  Ms Keeble: I am perfectly confident about the results in Northampton North. Rudi's question—and I had very similar questions to him—was put down as a general question about youth training centres. I said, "Listen, I have a problem" so I alerted them to what was going on before I put the question down. If I had not been so honest, perhaps it might not have been picked up. The second thing relates also to the time because I was putting my question down very soon after it happened, whereas his were later. It is interesting that the question was raised on 29 November and 9 February of this year so with the passage of time presumably memories or awareness of the officers of the House have lapsed slightly, understandably so. One of the issues I was particularly concerned about was staffing. That is problematic. That is partly why some of my questions would run into more difficulties. If you are looking at some of the general policy areas around the death, it is an issue you would want to look at. It is not about the culpability of anybody; it is about the training systems in place, the staffing and vetting procedures. I did indeed put down some questions about the vetting procedures.

  Q169 David Wright: Were those answered?

  Ms Keeble: Yes.

  Q170 David Wright: Would that not suggest that the current parameters of the rule do allow us to operate?

  Ms Keeble: No, I do not think they do because the amount of information that I need is much more detailed. I confess I partly did it out of pure mischief to see if I could do it. MPs should be able to say, "This is what is going on in the constituency. This is what is going on in the area. This is what these questions relate to" and put in questions quite openly and honestly that are around a particular issue and that do not get ruled out of order. I find it personally quite offensive that the Home Office can put out a press statement on something, the press can ask questions about it and get information and I as an MP with a really serious concern about the child care services in Northamptonshire cannot get information and ask questions. I think that is outrageous because it means that the press can get information about what is happening on my patch which I cannot get.

  Q171 Mr Illsley: In your evidence you suggest and you have just said that the media are able to comment more freely on court cases than Parliament. Therefore, our right to free speech, much less our ability to hold the executive to account, is very much less than that of the media. If there was ever a reason to do away with the sub judice rule, as I see it, that would be it. I do not understand why the media should get more access to information than should a Member of Parliament. Has any explanation ever been given to you as to why that is the case? Unless one recognises that the media are bound by what they can print and we have freedom of speech and they do not, that assumes they have not abided by that.

  Ms Keeble: Our sub judice rule is more stringent than theirs. Theirs is tried after the event; ours is a voluntary gag before the event. That makes a difference. Also, the rule extends to any discussion here. It is not just that you cannot put your questions down and you cannot raise them on the floor. You do not even seem to be able to get replies in writing from the Home Office because it says it is sub judice. If it had been a different type of death and there had been a statement in the House, there might have been a statement about an investigation being set up but in this case it was not dealt with that way so there was no statement in the House and there was not the opportunity to question. The whole thing instantly became sub judice because it was a death in custody, the inquest was opened and adjourned. That is it.

  Mr Illsley: Would there be a case for saying to government or the powers that be that if the media can gain factual information in relation to an issue which to us is sub judice, there is a case that we should be allowed the same information? Then it is up to each individual Member of Parliament, as it would be with the members of the press, as to what they do with that information and how they use it. It is up to each individual MP as to how he looks upon the sub judice rule, whether he stands by it and abides by it or whether he or she breaches it and stands the consequences of that.

  Q172 Chairman: I think what Mr Illsley is asking is does the press have an advantage over Members of Parliament.

  Ms Keeble: Yes, they do. People can say to us, "If you want information go and look on the Home Office website and look at the press release." Of course we can do that but our function as MPs is to hold the executive to account on the floor of the House and through questions. That is supposed to be where we do our questioning and our holding to account, not by looking at press releases on the Home Office website.

  Q173 Sir Robert Smith: Are we meant to reserve questions for finding out information we cannot obtain from other sources? Is the theoretical guidance to Members that we should check in the Library and use other sources? This is not how most Members practise it but the idea is the questions are there to get that information which is not available through any other process.

  Ms Keeble: Yes, but when we ask questions because we have the information, we are simply directed back to the press release which the journalists are able to ask questions about but which we cannot. They can ask questions and print articles based on the press release but we, having seen the press release, cannot table questions.

  Q174 Mr Illsley: To me, this is perhaps one of the most important parts of this evidence. We are disadvantaged vis-a"-vis the media in terms of a case before a coroner's court. In your last bit of evidence, you made reference to Rudi Vis asking a wider question but then you make the point that Lord Elton specifically named a case, Lord Listowel named the individual involved, Baroness Vivienne Stern named the individual involved and a couple of weeks ago Paul Goggins, the Prisons Minister, specifically named the individual during a debate in Westminster Hall. Do you look upon that as a breach of the sub judice rule in all those instances or is this simply another extension of what you were saying, in that the media perhaps have more advantages and these namings have followed on from that; or were these people simply in breach of the rule?

  Ms Keeble: Perhaps the Committee is in a better position to decide on breaches of the rule. There has been a certain amount of discussion taking place outside the House about this death and what is going to come out of the investigation that the Home Office has, which I have not been able to get that much information about. There is some scepticism about how much will come out. It is obviously something which in certain circles is being talked about. I suspect that these people putting things down is because it has slipped through the net.

  Q175 Mr Illsley: It is still a breach.

  Ms Keeble: The Home Office Minister was talking about youth training centres generally and made these comments as part of a much wider debate. Probably, it was not picked up at the time and it is probably a cock up rather than a conspiracy. Also if, like me, you make a point about being concerned about this case and are told you cannot put questions down, you are honour bound gagged until you are ungagged, whereas other people who have not flagged up their concerns in the same way are not subjected to the same level of scrutiny. I am very aware that I cannot ask questions about this and I am not supposed to talk about it and raise it.

  Q176 Chairman: You are raising this matter before a Committee of this House which is being broadcast. I think we were absolutely right to give you the opportunity, because of your commitment, knowledge and involvement in the particular case, to come before us to give evidence. Do you not think that that is a real opportunity?

  Ms Keeble: I certainly appreciate that and I appreciate the fact that it has been possible to look into it. What I very much want is the opportunity to ask questions about the substantive issue which is a whole array of factors around this particular case. Depending on what comes out of that, I will perhaps ask the Home Office to go further on it or ask Northamptonshire County Council to go further on it. I have some information on it through discussing things with colleagues in Northamptonshire but there are some missing links here.

  Q177 Sir Robert Smith: Given that the Minister has gone so far as to raise it on the floor of the House, have you tried again through correspondence, as there is no vetting on letters you send, to pin them down again and say, "In the light of the fact that you have taken this case forward . . ."?

  Ms Keeble: That is a fair point. I will try to do that. Having watched quite carefully what was said and asked about this case, it was only in preparation for this that I went back and looked through the search engine. This one on 9 February came up, which I was quite surprised to see.

  Q178 Mr Illsley: It is either a breach of the sub judice rule by the four individuals and the Minister or it suggests that the sub judice rule is not working because it is too difficult to police it. The very issue you are talking about, delay between an incident and an inquest, means that perhaps the table office police forget the name of the individual or whatever and it slips into a question.

  Ms Keeble: There seem to be slight differences between what happens in the Lords and what happens in the Commons. The length of time it can take to get an inquest heard is an absolutely major issue. It demonstrates why a sub judice rule applied to coroners' courts does not make sense in its present form because you have to keep people quiet about things for a very long time and it is difficult to do.

  Q179 Chairman: You are giving an answer to the question I put earlier: do you think that in coroners' courts, in adjourning a case, the length of time they can adjourn for is abnormal and unfair to those involved. You have now indicated that it is.

  Ms Keeble: If an inquest does not have a jury, it comes under a different category completely.


 
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