Select Committee on Public Administration Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 100 - 107)

THURSDAY 18 NOVEMBER 2004

RT HON LORD HATTERSLEY

  Q100  Mr Prentice: Are council tenants behaving irrationally when they vote for a housing stock transfer in the sure knowledge that those crumbly council houses are going to get money spent on them to bring them up to standard?

  Lord Hattersley: They are acting rationally in their own self-interest, but there are many things which happen which we would do in our own self-interests. I suspect in my own self-interest I would be a private medical patient, I suspect in the self-interest of some of the people around the table they would send their children to private schools, but it is sometimes the duty of the Government not only to point out that there is a common good, which may be in conflict with individual self-interest, but also to prevent people from exercising their own self-interest when it is to the detriment of the community at large.

  Q101  Mr Prentice: Why is it then in Birmingham, your own city, the council tenants voted against stock transfer, but in Glasgow they voted for stock transfer, and in Manchester they voted for stock transfer? What is it about Birmingham council tenants that saw wider public interest and not their own self-interest?

  Lord Hattersley: Well, I do not think it was on the merits of the case. I wanted the situation to continue in which the housing stock remained in the council's ownership but the Government provided the necessary money to repair it. I actually believe it is morally—not a word I use very often—indefensible to say to the council tenants of Birmingham, "If you choose to remain tenants of the local authority, your houses will crumble and decay around your head, but if you are prepared to have them sold off to either a public agency which is not a local authority or a private agency, we will provide money to repair it." I do not know why the council tenants did not vote for the alternative the Government wanted, and you know as well as I do that votes cannot be attributed to the rational judgment of people. In part it was to do with who was arguing for what, in part it was to   do with sentiment about the Birmingham Corporation. Birmingham citizens take local government very seriously.

  Q102  Mr Prentice: Is it an example where choice can be manipulated because the Government is setting the terms on which that choice is exercised?

  Lord Hattersley: I can only tell you that after 33 years as a Member of Parliament for that city, I was astonished when a very large majority voted for the council houses not being repaired, which is what it amounted to. I was astonished by that. I think it is as much to do with the personalities on each side of the argument as anything else. As I say, Birmingham continues to hold a view, going back to Joe Chamberlain, that there is something special about Birmingham local government whichever party is in command, and I think that has had a great influence on people—"We want to be tenants of the council not somebody else."

  Q103  Mr Prentice: I was going to ask a whole series of questions about the cost of building the new Utopia but your answers and these Guardian articles make it absolutely crystal clear that what you are calling for is a very substantial increase in public expenditure, moving money from area to area to get that equality, so I will not pursue that. However, there is one area which I am still interested in, and that is the boundary between private and public. Over the years that has become ever more porous, and I just wonder what you think about private providers providing public services. Do you have a kind of ideological hang-up about that?

  Lord Hattersley: No, I do not.

  Q104  Mr Prentice: Because you said earlier that if you had some kind of heart condition and the only way it could be seen to quickly was to go into private hospital, that would not give you any problems, and you said "as an expedient". But I want to go beyond that, not as an expedient but as a conscious decision of public policy that private providers should be there to be chosen by individuals if that is what they want to do.

  Lord Hattersley: You are quite right to describe that as an item of ideology. Some people might, I suspect, who do not hold that view quite as strongly as you are now making out. But were you to hold it that strongly, some people would regard it as a statement of prejudice. If there is advantage in it, and I see a short-term advantage if there is a shortage of resources, then obviously there is short-term advantage in people saying, "I will go to the private hospital down the road or in the next borough", but I do not see any advantage in general and I see the disadvantage in the long-term of undermining faith in public provision and people saying, "We do not need the public provision any more, the private sector is doing it perfectly well." I am perfectly happy to judge it on its merits. Dr Reid—and I have talked about Dr Reid this morning more often than I have talked about him in the last ten years—says there is always going to be a private element in the health service, "We do not make our own beds, we buy them from a private bed maker." Well, great, I do not want the public ownership of bed making. I do not know where the boundary of that ends, and there will be other things we buy in from the private sector.

  Q105  Mr Prentice: Let me fire a practical example at you. There are huge capacity constraints in NHS dentistry. In my constituency, in my town of 12,000 people, the only NHS dentist is closing his list and taking private patients only as from January. The nearest open NHS list must be about 30 miles away. I have called upon Paul Boateng to make the cost of private dental insurance in these circumstances tax deductible, when someone wants to stay with the NHS, their dentist goes private and there is no alternative NHS provision in the locality. Would you agree with me?

  Lord Hattersley: I would have to think about it. As I thought about it, I would be saying that your question and the circumstances you describe make my case rather than yours. Because what do we have now? A net shortage of dentists. What ought we to have? A conscious policy increasing dental education. Why do we not? Very largely simply because I do not go to my dentist in London, I have a house in Derbyshire so I go to the dentist in Derbyshire where there is no pressure on dentists, and other people either go private, as is their option, or manipulate the system in some way. The people who make the most fuss are still getting their teeth attended to, and therefore the great drive for increasing dental training, which we ought to have, does not happen. Your example is an argument against choice not in favour of choice.

  Q106  Mr Prentice: We cannot go into the details but we are trying to turn things round. I am talking about a policy decision in the interim. At some stage in the future we will have an NHS dentist in the town where I live, and I am talking about the people who are forced to pay for private dental insurance because there is no NHS alternative.

  Lord Hattersley: I have already said, and I meant it, I would be absurd to object to the expedient, as I described it, taking-of-places in private hospitals. Your example, which I do not know, may be exactly that but if it was a temporary expedient then it would be foolish to expect people to go on having toothache rather than take advantage of—

  Mr Prentice: I shall tell Paul Boateng he is being very foolish in turning down my suggestion.

  Q107  Chairman: I think in fairness to our witness and everybody we ought to pull stumps now because there is a vote and it may be followed by another one and so on. We have had a good bash. There were a few things we were still going to do, but I think we have done enough to get value from the session. I apologise for the fact that a few members of the Committee had not read all your Guardian articles but we shall remedy this, I can assure you, very rapidly. Thank you very much and I am sorry about this rather abbreviated ending.

  Lord Hattersley: Thank you very much for having me. I am not sure I have contributed much but I have enjoyed it.

  Chairman: Thank you very much indeed.





 
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