Select Committee on Public Administration Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 868-879)

12 JANUARY 2005

SIR JOHN GIEVE, KCB

  Q868 Chairman: Moving into our second half, we are delighted to have Sir John Gieve with us, Permanent Secretary at the Home Office. You were able to come and give evidence to us earlier on our general inquiry into inquiries; we did not know at that time that we would be seeing you again in the context of a particular inquiry, but that is one of the happy coincidences of life. Do you want to say anything to us before we ask you some questions?

  Sir John Gieve: No, I do not think so. I am sorry I am a bit hoarse today but if my voice fails I will try to revive it with water.

  Q869 Chairman: We will not tax you too much I hope. Could I just take you back to questions I asked Sir Alan Budd right at the beginning about the genesis of this particular inquiry? There were you, happily presiding over the Home Office, when all this blew up. It was a political storm and something had to be done. What was the process that produced the inquiry that Sir Alan Budd conducted?

  Sir John Gieve: As you know The Sunday Telegraph on 28 November ran a story with a number of allegations and David Blunkett's responses to them. On the morning of that day, the Sunday, I started a series of phone calls—and I spent most of that day on the telephone—about what further action was required. David Blunkett was very keen that this particular allegation; which had been picked out by The Sunday Telegraph and by the other journalists then following it up as being by far the most serious, should be investigated. With the Prime Minister's agreement he said he would ask me to find an independent investigator. That was announced on the Sunday. I discussed that with Andrew Turnbull as to who that might be and did he have a list of potential runners. On the Monday morning I started making some phone calls to the potential runners to see who was available and willing to do it. Alan Budd was available, able and willing so he got the job.

  Q870 Chairman: Was he the first choice?

  Sir John Gieve: He was not the first person I rang up but in these circumstances you have a few hours in which to find someone and you cannot just go for one person.

  Q871 Chairman: Was the Prime Minister keen that there should be an inquiry?

  Sir John Gieve: I did not speak personally to the Prime Minister but he was content with the inquiry and he said so afterwards.

  Q872 Chairman: Keen and content are not quite the same.

  Sir John Gieve: In this particular case the impetus was coming from David Blunkett and he said very early on on the Sunday morning that he thought we needed to have an inquiry into it. In the past, allegations of this sort have been investigated by permanent secretaries but that has been an unhappy experience and I was relieved, therefore, that it was a question of finding an independent figure of standing to come in and look at it.

  Q873 Chairman: Normally the inquiry is set up by the minister himself, is it not?

  Sir John Gieve: The background to this was that it was the minister's conduct which was in question and that is why I think he thought it was natural to ask me to find someone rather than himself doing so.

  Q874 Chairman: Let me ask the question that I asked Sir Alan a moment ago. If there are any tests of what a Ministerial Code inquiry should be, this presumably meets all the requirements. That is, it is an allegation of ministerial misconduct; the abuse of office. That was the charge, indeed that is the first opening sentence of Alan's report, the allegation that you took to him to investigate. What I do not understand is why therefore this was not an inquiry set up by the Prime Minister under the Ministerial Code to look at ministerial conduct.

  Sir John Gieve: The Government's approach to this was set out in response to the Committee on Standards and Public Life. They did a report—the ninth report—in 2003 on, among other things, this question of how breaches of Ministerial Code should be investigated. They came up with some suggestions which the Government did not wholly accept but one thing they said was that it was for the Prime Minister to decide whether the Ministerial Code had been breached in a way that required action. To quote their report they say: "The individual selected to carry out an investigation should investigate the facts and report his or her findings to the Prime Minister who will then decide" and so on and so forth. So I do not think it was unusual; this inquiry was into the facts and that is what I asked Alan Budd to do, to produce the facts of the case which is what he did. The Ministerial Code is in quite general terms. What it says is that the minister must not allow a conflict to arise between their private interests and their public duty. That is not wholly a question of fact; there is also a question of judgment involved as to whether there has been a material conflict. Those are the points I think you were making at the end to Alan Budd. How material was it? Was this really a breach of the Code or was it something which was of relatively minor significance? That is essentially a political judgment which is why in general I do not think inquiries do say: "Did he breach the Ministerial Code?" That judgment is left to the Prime Minister and the investigator looks at the facts. The position is a bit different from the Parliamentary Commissioner who does look at that but the committee that he reports to is the final arbiter; they are, if you like, in the position of the Prime Minister in that case of deciding whether an MP has or has not breached the standards required of an MP. I suppose the special feature of this case was that the Prime Minister did not set up the inquiry; David pre-empted him and said he thought there needed to be an inquiry. He did not wait for the Prime Minister to step in and say there should be an inquiry; he pre-empted that and he asked me to do it.

  Q875 Chairman: This is what I am testing you on because some of what you say bears on other points. The central point, as you have said, of the Code is about this perception of conflict between public and private roles. That is what the Code talks about. As you have rightly said the guardian of that Code is the Prime Minister. When allegations are made about that Code having been breached it has always been the Prime Minister who has set up inquiries and these inquiries report to the Prime Minister. What I am saying to you is that this was prima facie a Code issue and yet it was done through you, a permanent secretary, ringing someone up, bringing someone in to do a quick inquiry, agreed by the Prime Minister but not put in place by the Prime Minister as a Code inquiry. Even allowing for the wonderful flexibility of our system it would be nice to think there is something coherent going on here. I do not really understand why what is prime facie a Code inquiry cannot be done in that way. Sir Anthony Hammond's inquiry into the Hinduja affair was set up, as I recall it, by the Prime Minister and reported to the Prime Minister.

  Sir John Gieve: I cannot remember whether it was to him or to the Cabinet Secretary. The Ministerial Code is quite clear on this. It says it is the personal responsibility of each minister to ensure that his actions are in accordance with the Code and to make those judgments but the final arbiter is the Prime Minister. I think in this case the minister himself said that this question had been raised about his conduct and he wanted to get an independent view on it. I think it could have been set up differently but the nature of the inquiry was agreed with the Prime Minister, the potential "who should do it" was cleared with Number 10 and the Cabinet Secretary. The fact that it should be someone of standing who had some experience of the Civil Service was agreed with them. I discussed the names with Sir Andrew Turnbull. It could have been someone else. In fact it might have been a bit more comfortable for me if Andrew Turnbull had done the appointment but I do not think it would have made the slightest difference to the nature or results of the inquiry.

  Q876 Chairman: There is at least a perception of when an inquiry is being conducted into the affairs of a department and bearing on ministerial conduct it does not immediately suggest itself that it is a good idea to have that department set up that inquiry and for the permanent secretary of that department to go off looking for someone to do it. Surely, as I keep saying to you, if the Code is the document governing ministerial conduct, issued and owned by the Prime Minister and the Prime Minister is the custodian of that document, such inquiries have to go through that route. At least we thought that was the case.

  Sir John Gieve: Can I make three points on that? First, it is not at all unusual for the Home Office to commission independent reviews of its own affairs and that is something that permanent secretaries and indeed other officials and ministers in the Home Office do all the time. I do not think there is a general rule that the Home Office cannot and should not ask for independent investigations of aspects of its affairs. They are a very important way in which I get to know how the department has been running as well as for public reassurance. Secondly, you have to ask whether it was fit for purpose. This was a very unusual situation. An allegation had been made, it was in the heat of the political battle, the minister was still in office and everyone agreed, I think, that we needed to establish the relevant facts and this did establish the relevant facts quickly and effectively and, as a result, David Blunkett resigned as we know. I am not saying it is the only way it could have been done, but in a sense I feel that this was an inquiry which self-evidently reached the point that it needed to get to.

  Q877 Chairman: One last point which I again put to Sir Alan: he says that you asked him to undertake this independent investigation into the allegation that had been made against the then Home Secretary that he misused his official position. That is what you asked him to do and people expected him to report on that. Yet, as he has told us, his terms of reference did not require him to pronounce on that. He was asked to do one thing and, as it were, reported on something else.

  Sir John Gieve: I do not accept that at all. The terms of reference were perfectly clear, which were to inquire into the handling by the Home Office including the Home Secretary of this application. He did not discover every detail of the facts but he discovered the key facts and published them. The opening paragraph explained why I had asked him to do it, why investigate this particular application among the half million that year. The answer was: because an allegation had been made that it had been handled improperly. I asked Alan Budd to establish and set out the facts, which he did.

  Q878 Chairman: It was not because it was not a Ministerial Code inquiry.

  Sir John Gieve: I think it is for ministers and ultimately the Prime Minister to decide whether or not there has been a material breach of the Ministerial Code. That is quite clear in the Code itself; it is quite clear in our response to the Committee on Standards and Public Life and actually that aspect of it I think is agreed with the Committee. There is also an element of political judgment in this about what is a material breach and so on. I think it would have been odd to ask Sir Alan Budd to decide off his own back whether it had been a serious breach. It is not just a question of facts and that is why the Committee said we wanted someone to come in and set out the facts and then in a sense it is a political judgment of whether there has been a breach and, if so, is it material, does it make his position impossible, and so on.

  Q879 Chairman: Having done the inquiry and knowing what we know, what judgement have you formed about whether there was a breach or not?

  Sir John Gieve: Something definitely went wrong in this case. As we said in our response, in this particular case David did have a private interest which was not declared overtly and it was dealt with as though he had not, so something went wrong. I agree with Alan that in a sense the historians' view of how serious a mistake it was is slightly beside the point because David had said very clearly that it had not happened, that the handling of this application had not been speeded up because of his intervention and Alan's report said that it had been speeded up as a result of his intervention. The critical thing turned out to be the rebuttal, the fact that that rebuttal did not stand up rather than how serious was the original mistake. I cannot remember any case which is quite like this one, but it is very often the case in ministerial resignations that it is the change of story or the fact that the original rebuttal does not stand up which becomes the key point.

  Chairman: Thank you for all that. Let me bring colleagues in now. David?


 
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