Select Committee on Public Administration Written Evidence


Memorandum by the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution (CEDR) (GBI 08)

1.  DECLARATION OF INTEREST

  1.1  CEDR (the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution) has for the past 14 years led the development of alternative dispute resolution processes in the commercial and civil justice fields. A not-for-profit organisation with charitable status, CEDR works closely with the judiciary, government, public and private sectors to cut the costs of conflict by exploring ways in which adversarialism can be avoided through the application of commercial common sense and best practice.

  1.2  Much of our work is based around the concept of mediation, the intervention of a trained neutral third party to facilitate dispute resolution processes.

  1.3  More recently CEDR has been instrumental in developing innovative uses of the mediation process across a wide spectrum of situations including clinical negligence disputes, planning systems, and public-private finance initiatives. We believe the mediation process and what lies behind the increasing use of mediation in the civil justice system has much to offer the debate over Government by Inquiry. More broadly, what we have learned by encouraging "alternative dispute resolution" and seeing numerous cases resolved quickly with better client satisfaction, is that process management deserves attention as an issue in itself, compared to its neglect in favour of automatically adhering to traditional procedures for their own sake.

  1.4  Responses to this inquiry will predominantly fall under the "specialist interest" category focussing on those questions to which we feel we can contribute the most.

2.  SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS

    —  Encourage research into the outcomes or lack of outcomes, and into processes used, in the inquiry process—both historic research and action research.

    —  Consider creating a specialist unit or neutral standing committee constituted to consider questions of process design and planning and who can build up a body of expertise and independence to benefit future inquiries.

    —  Ensure that effective planning, process design and relevant personnel appointments are recognised attributes of effective inquiries, and are actively considered for each inquiry.

    —  Recognise the value of complementing or in some cases replacing the traditional inquisitorial and/or adversarial "model" of the inquiry process to allow the deployment of focused consensual process design and imaginative outcomes to be considered.

3.  GENERAL

  3.1  Recommendations made for changes to the purpose of the inquiry should apply equally to statutory, non-statutory and ad hoc inquiries as outlined in the Powers and Legal Basis section of the Issues paper.

  3.2  The challenge for the PASC is to ensure that an effective system and process for an inquiry is established prior to the necessity for such an inquiry. A common failure is the triggering of an inquiry in the heat of a crisis, leaving no time to consider what we regard as essential questions: "Who should take the decisions (and what should those decisions be on) as to: (a) calling an inquiry; (b) the form it should take; (c) its terms of reference or objectives; and (d) the appointment of chair and members".

  3.3  The current knee-jerk reaction to the calling of an inquiry too often leads to a failure to capture the real complexity of what happened. It also loses the opportunity to address a range of possible outcomes or objectives as well as the opportunity to build "buy-in" to the practical effects which may emerge from the evolving understanding which is the main product currently generated by a formal intellectual inquiry.

  3.4  Intrinsically linked to this failure is the apparent lack of real thought given to the question of the best mix of skills and backgrounds of those responsible for conducting the inquiry. Recognising more sophisticated objectives and flexible models for the process, carries with it a need to find personnel who can best assist in implementing these models and achieving the objectives of a particular inquiry.

  3.5  Again, the time necessary for proper planning is often not feasible, given the Government's need to be seen to respond to what may be deep public concern. Without devoting the necessary time and design, however, none of the above questions can be effectively dealt with and appropriate outcomes realised. Therefore how to ensure careful planning is crucial in any approach to effective reform of the inquiry system.

  3.6  One option is a specialist unit or standing committee to specialise in this area, a group which could build up experience, conduct pilots, make recommendations on purposes and process, as well as on personnel. Such an established and neutral route would assist the independence of appointment and process and avoid accusations that the inquiry process is merely a way to divert attention and take the political heat off the government of the day. We think that this is a design question in its own right, so make no premature assessment of the constitutional status or structure of such a committee or unit.

  3.7  At the very least CEDR believes that research should be encouraged into past inquiries with a view to assessing the outcomes achieved, the other processes that were required to create practical outcomes, and some broad cost-benefit analysis. Some action research could also be encouraged (perhaps in some simpler inquiry contexts first) of creative alternatives to the traditional inquiry model, such as a consensus-building approach across stakeholder groups, or a more inquisitorial and investigatory versus "hearing" model.

4.  MEMBERSHIP

  4.1  As alluded to above, the appropriate appointment of a Chair cannot be effectively made without due consideration of the purpose of the inquiry proposed. Some judges may be perfectly suited to chair an inquiry, others not so. The nearest relative to inquiries is the litigation system. Increasingly the courts and judges have been incorporating mediation as a matter of course into civil procedures. Judges have also acted as mediators in various high profile mediations with varying degrees of success. This is because judges are highly trained in determining whether or not facts are true or false according to the vagaries of the legal system. They are not trained to consider other potentially desired outcomes such as satisfying protagonists, encouraging reconciliation of opposing views, creating social or sector consensus, laying the foundation both for considerations of compensation and blame and alternatives to such considerations, or engaging in solution-finding through complex problem-solving. These are all outcomes that may legitimately be desired through an inquiry.

  4.2  The answer to the question "is it appropriate for judges to chair inquiries?" is therefore linked to the answers to the two subsequent questions—only if they have the appropriate characteristics and qualities to deliver the range of outcomes likely to be required by the inquiry (and only when those outcomes have been properly identified).

  4.3  In CEDR's experience, even if the underlying principles of one dispute are the same as another, the outcomes required and characters involved are invariably different. Every inquiry will also no doubt reflect these differences and it is our opinion therefore that each one needs to be assessed by an expert or expert panel who have received specialist training to deal with such issues. They would then be in a position to ascertain accurately the need for lay participation, the appropriate processes and other key matters.

5.  PROCEDURES

  5.1  As to the nature of inquiries—whether they should be inquisitorial or adversarial—the most recent example of the Hutton Inquiry turned out to be much more like a litigation trial, both in the way it was conducted and also the public perception of the outcome. Furthermore, although there was a definite winner and a definite loser, it is doubtful whether any party would now say that they regard the outcome as wholly successful.

  5.2  In either type of inquiry, responsibility for what process to pursue passes very quickly from those directly involved into third party hands. The mediation process not only offers an alternative process as a consensual route to proper outcomes, but also in appropriate cases can offer broader and more flexible remedies than available from the courts. Not least, the process offers control of decision-making and risk by parties, and not simply the interpretation of facts by a third party. The mediation process works equally well in class actions as in a two party dispute, as shown recently by the settlement of several hundred family actions against the Alder Hey Hospitals with several remedies devised that would not have been available through a court.

  5.3  A significant challenge will be a clash between the necessary transparency of an inquiry and the need for confidentiality that makes mediation so successful. If however transparency of appointment of a neutral individual or body is enabled it may be more acceptable to the public to introduce elements of the process which are in part confidential to the parties.

  5.4  To put it at its simplest, however, we believe that there may be certain occasions, or parts of certain inquiries, where it may be useful to consider whether value can be obtained by a process which seeks consensus first, before "judgment" (consider the Bloody Sunday inquiry); or where there may be scope for the inquiry to consider how best compensation would be allocated were compensation seen as a likely outcome of the inquiry (consider the Penrose Inquiry). The current system can lead to a sense of gross unfairness of judgement, or lack of any meaningful practical way of proceeding post-inquiry other than to start a process all over again in the courts or via an Ombudsman.

  5.5  One inquiry that did attempt to recognise practical effects emerging from the evolving understanding of intellectual inquiry was the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa which dealt with the healing and investigation that followed the Apartheid era. One which arguably has not done so, and is likely to face a degree of hostility whatever the reported outcome, is the Saville Inquiry into the events of "Bloody Sunday".

  5.6  Finally we think that the merits of adversarial versus inquisitorial methods may vary for different contexts. Flexibility should be retained, but guided by greater intelligence on the pros and cons of the two core models (which each in any case are open to significant variations of procedure). It would be useful to do further conceptual work on these different models, as well as comparative research and action research on when they are most appropriate, and, develop guidance on best practice for most situations.

6.  PARLIAMENTARY ACCOUNTABILITY AND CAPTURING THE VALUE OF INQUIRY PROCESSES

  6.1  If there were an established standing committee or specialist unit appropriately constituted to consider outcomes, processes and personnel, this could also become the vehicle for publication of eventual reports and learning (in much the same way as for example the National Audit Office publishes its own reports). It would be in a position to build up a pool of experience to handle subsequent questioning and ensure that lessons were fed back into the inquiry process in a structured way.

  6.2  As to the value of inquiries, we believe that under the traditional system, outcomes are less effective and more random than they need be. Thus our emphasis that there should be more research on this topic and certainly practical experimentation with other models of process and objectives.

  7.  CEDR sees it as an essential part of its mission to contribute to debate and learning on these issues, and would be pleased to explore further ways to improve thinking and practice, if the work of PASC calls for further commitment of thinking on these topics. In particular, I would be pleased to offer oral evidence before the Committee and/or to meet privately with individual Committee members.

Dr Karl Mackie

Chief Executive CEDR

APPENDIX 1

ABOUT CEDR

  CEDR, the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution, is an independent non-profit organisation supported by multinational business and leading professional bodies and public sector organisations. CEDR was launched in 1990 with the support of The Confederation of British Industry. It is a registered charity.

  Our mission is to encourage and develop mediation and other cost-effective dispute resolution and prevention techniques in commercial and public sector disputes and civil litigation.

  We work in partnership with business, governments and the judiciary, both in the UK and internationally, to develop effective dispute resolution practice. We have been instrumental in helping to bring mediation into the heart of business, public sector and professional practice and into the judicial system in England and Wales.

  Through CEDR Solve, our dispute resolution and prevention service, we enable business and public sector organisations to cut the cost of conflict by providing a world-class mediation service and a range of professional dispute resolution, training and consultancy solutions using the foremost practitioners in the field.

  CEDR Solve is not only the UK's leading commercial mediation provider but we also offer a range of other assisted dispute resolution services, including expert determination, adjudication, early neutral evaluation, and other forms of customised "independent interventions".

  We train business people and professionals to manage and resolve disputes more effectively and train lawyers how best to represent their clients in mediation.

  Our consultancy service advises business and the public sector on designing and developing dispute resolution processes and systems.

  In 2003, CEDR Solve arranged 631 mediation cases of which 153 were under various schemes that we administer. We continue to arrange and mediate an average of two cases each business day. Not all mediation organisations publish their workload but we believe that this is, by some significant margin, the largest turnover of any mediation organisation in Europe. Mediations arranged by CEDR Solve cover a very wide range of sectors and dispute type.

  CEDR Solve is one of the few truly independent dispute resolution providers with neither law firms, mediators nor special interest groups as financial stakeholders. We operate independently of particular professions and across diverse sectors. Because of our neutrality, we can facilitate dialogue in difficult and highly sensitive negotiations.

  More information on CEDR and CEDR Solve can be supplied on request. Our web site www.cedr.co.uk

contains a wealth of material.

APPENDIX 2

PLAYING CHICKEN IS NOT THE RIGHT WAY TO DEAL WITH SERIOUS PUBLIC DEBATES (Text of an article as published in The Times—31 March 2004)

  Now that the dust has settled on the Hutton Inquiry and the competing groups have vented their anger or appreciation at the ref, it is time to take a cooler look at the nature of inquiries, particularly as we now have a super league match to follow with the Butler Inquiry.

  One comment stands out more than any other in the Hutton inquiry's work. It was in an e-mail from Tom Kelly, the Downing Street spokesman: "This is now a game of playing chicken with the Beeb. The only way they will shift is [if] they see the screw tightening." This was not the only hint of testosterone that characterised the context of the BBC-government clash over the Kelly affair. Anyone listening to the Today programme before David Kelly's death could also have detected easily that rival street gangs were lining up. Indeed, after the first shock wave came the demands for a replay—the terms of reference were too narrowly interpreted by a forensic mind; were overseen by a political placeman; missed the whole point of the concerns about the war (itself an underpinning adversarial event, constituting the main plot above the sub-plot).

  But what has not been addressed until now is that the way in which public inquiries are organised is fundamentally flawed by their adversarial nature and lack of attempting seriously to analyse how best they can achieve their objectives.

  The Commons Select Committee on Public Administration has now however launched its own investigation into "government by inquiries". Tony Wright, its chairman, favours revisiting the whole process after the inquiries into the deaths of Dr Kelly, Victoria Climbie« and the Bristol baby heart patients.

  Should there, MP's ask, be a review of how the terms of reference are set and the chairman appointed, and greater parliamentary involvement in setting them up? The MP's will draw on a range of inquiries over 20 years, from Lord Scarman's into the Brixton riots to Lord Saville of Newdigate's into Bloody Sunday. Views are sought by Friday [2 April 2004].

  There are four key areas to look at: Is it to satisfy the protagonists or encourage a reconciliation between the parties? Or is it to look at whether there should be compensation and blame? Or to lance the boil of social distress? These are all potentially appropriate; and in many complex inquiries, several purposes may be implicit or desirable. Unfortunately, in the heat of the crisis which leads to an inquiry, there is often a failure to identify aims and how to meet them. They remain inchoate, bundled together, under the umbrella of a simple-minded intellectual and technocratic tradition that suggests that it is sufficient to "investigate and report" or "judge" for matters to move on.

  This confusion, or vacuum, diminishes the chances for dealing with serious and complex issues. It misses the chance to reach a practical solution that all parties will support.

  Linked to that blurring of objectives is an even more frequent failing: a lack of sophistication on how to develop bespoke ways to meet different kinds of purpose. The nearest relative to inquiries—the litigation system—has recently begun to integrate mediation into civil procedures. Why? Because of the common despair at a "one-sided" verdict and because mediation offers an alternative consensual route to justice that is controlled by the parties and can offer broader and more flexible remedies than the courts can give. A recent example was settlement of several hundred family actions against the Alder Hey Hospital, with remedies that covered non-financial as well as financial outcomes and gave a different kind of hearing to families involved.

  Secondly, there is the question of personnel. The referee's origins, competencies, independence and character are a frequent source of intellectual inquiry at the best football matches. Such questions are again intimately linked with that of how to devise the most effective method. A better understanding of the inquiry's aims must lead to recognising what different approaches can achieve. Judges bring forensic skills, not necessarily social reform or consensus building expertise (or even inquisitorial background in the common law system).

  The classic response by governments to sudden crises is a diversionary, knee-jerk appointment of a handy judge or former civil servant. This gives a clue to the amateurish state of the inquiry profession. One option is a standing committee to specialise in this area, a group that could build up experience, conduct pilot schemes, make recommendations on how an inquiry should proceed and who should conduct it. Such an established and neutral route would help to achieve the independence that is so often the first casualty of the traditional approach.

  Finally one should not neglect the money. Reform proposals may appear at first blush to be a rather expensive notion. This may, however, be shortsighted. How would one assess the cost of the Hutton inquiry's result compared with a consensual outcome between the Government, the BBC and the Kelly family? The direct costs in legal fees of the parties to the inquiry were said to be £2 million. Even more startling, the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, begun in 2001, has already cost taxpayers £90 million and is still not concluded. Will that inquiry achieve its purposes? What if the Government had allocated even 17.5% of that budget to a parallel mediation process between the Army, Government and various communities to achieve an agreed reconciliation statement, or allocation of compensation (in other words a sort of "value added tax")?

  We can't know whether it would have worked, but has Hutton worked? What value has been created, and for whom? And what should society be ready to pay to test more creative ways of tackling major social crises, to move beyond playing chicken as the model of public debate and headless chicken as its outcome?

Dr Karl Mackie

Chief Executive of the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution and

Visiting Professor of Law in the University of Westminster





 
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