Select Committee on Public Administration Written Evidence


Memorandum by Iain McLean, Professor of Politics, Oxford University (GBI 26)

ON NOT SCRAPPING THE TRIBUNALS OF INQUIRY (EVIDENCE) ACT 1921

  1.  This note is a very belated response to your "Issues and Questions Paper". I am sorry to intervene so late in the discussion. I will therefore be very brief. In particular, I agree with the points made in the written and oral evidence given in summer 2004 by Lord Norton of Louth.

  2.  What I have to add to his evidence derives from the work I have published with Martin Johnes on the Aberfan disaster (21 October 1966), when 144 people, most of them schoolchildren and their teachers, were killed by the slide of a colliery waste tip down a mountain. This work was based on public records released by the National Archives on 1 January 1997 and 1 January 1998. See especially I McLean and M Johnes, Aberfan: Government and Disasters (Cardiff: Welsh Academic Press 2000) and our website at http://www.nuff.ox.ac.uk/politics/aberfan/home.htm.

  3.  The Aberfan disaster was the fault of a body which in 1966 was to all intents and purposes a Government department, namely the National Coal Board (NCB). The gross (it is not too strong to say grotesque) failures of the NCB were not spotted by its regulator, HM Inspectorate of Mines and Quarries. The Ministry of Power, we argue from evidence in the National Archives, operated more to protect the coal industry than the people of Wales. The Charity Commission intervened when it should not have done, and failed to intervene when it should have done. It tried to force the Disaster Fund to withhold payments from bereaved families until it had satisfied itself that they had been "close" to their deceased children; and to prevent it from building the memorial in Aberfan cemetery. It did not protect the Disaster Fund against the raid on its assets by the Government of the day in 1968, which forced the Disaster Fund to pay some of the cost of removing the Aberfan tips. (This money was repaid by the Rt Hon Ron Davies in one of his first actions as Secretary of State for Wales in 1997).

  4.  The disaster therefore demonstrated comprehensive failure by various public bodies for which Secretaries of State were answerable, directly or indirectly.

  5.  The "controversial events giving rise to public concern" that are the subject of your inquiry will very often involve allegations that a public body did something wrong.

  6.  When a Secretary of State orders an inquiry, therefore, s/he is often in the position of arranging an inquiry into possible misdeeds for which, if proved, s/he must answer to Parliament.

  7.  The incentives facing the Secretary of State are therefore to arrange the inquiry in such a way as to minimise his/her own exposure to blame.

  8.  It is therefore essential that the 1921 Act, or a successor, should be preserved as a mechanism for either House to insist on an inquiry in the event of a Secretary of State refusing to hold one.

  9.  I would go further. I agree with various of your witnesses (notably Lord Norton and Lord Howe of Aberavon[57]) that there should be a template for a standard statutory inquiry; that this template should include the provision of "wing members' to give specialist expertise and a standard level of legal powers and rights to representation; that a collective memory and secretarial capacity for such inquiries should be retained in the Department of Constitutional Affairs; and that either House should have the power to object to an inquiry announced by a Secretary of State if it does not fit the standard model.

  10.  There is a tricky question of what rights to representation to accord to witnesses. It is easy to say, in reaction to the cost and time of the Saville inquiry, that "things have gone too far" and that inquiries must be streamlined and their cost reduced.

  11.  On the other hand, I am convinced by my reading of the Aberfan documents released in 1997 and 1998 that, had the Aberfan inquiry been anything less than a "1921 Act" inquiry, justice to the bereaved and the survivors would not have been done. Nor would the important policy lessons drawn in the tribunal report have been drawn.

  12.  The Aberfan inquiry was the longest to be held under the 1921 Act up to that date. The hearings occupied 76 days. Lord Ackner, who as Desmond Ackner was counsel for the Aberfan Parents' and Residents' Association, has stated that the sole reason for the length of the inquiry was the extreme reluctance of witnesses for the NCB to admit any liability—indeed, even to admit such facts as the presence of springs underneath the fatal tip. Not until Day 70 of the Inquiry, in dramatic cross-examination of the Rt Hon Lord Robens, Chairman of the NCB, did Ackner elicit any admission of responsibility.

  13.  My answers to the relevant questions in your Issues and Questions Paper are therefore:

    (a)  Q8. Yes, the 1921 Act should be used in preference to ad hoc inquiries.

    (b)  Q9. No, the 1921 Act is not redundant.

    (c)  Q10. They should be investigatory. The role of Counsel for the Inquiry is important, as Aberfan and Scott (albeit Scott was not a 1921 Act inquiry) showed.

    (d)  Q12. They should always sit in public, and go in camera only if all parties represented agree to that.

    (e)  Q13a. Yes b. No.

    (f)  Q14. Yes, but a minimalist approach. For the reasons given by the Salmon Royal Commission, parliamentary committees are not themselves equipped to conduct this sort of inquiry.

    (g)  Q16. A parliamentary commission, working in conjunction with the permanent secretariat to be located in the Department of Constitutional Affairs.

    (h)  Q19. The report should (continue to) be a House of Lords and/or House of Commons paper. Ministers should not get advance sight of it. Its publication should be under the control of the House(s) that called for it, not of the executive.

    (i)  Q20. In the case of Aberfan, yes.

    (j)  Q21. Yes

    (k)  Q22. Yes. The authorities of the House(s) that called for the report.

December 2004




57   Whose evidence is given even more authority because he was Counsel for the British Association of Colliery Management and the National Association of Colliery Managers at the Aberfan disaster inquiry: HL 316, HC 553, 1967.

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