Select Committee on Science and Technology Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 720 - 739)

WEDNESDAY 15 SEPTEMBER 2004

REV DR JOHN I. FLEMING, RT REV DR MICHAEL NAZIR-ALI, MRS JOSEPHINE QUINTAVALLE AND DR HELEN WATT

  Q720  Dr Harris: Let me re-phrase my question then.

  Mrs Quintavalle: Evan, I did not say that.

  Q721  Dr Harris: Let me re-phrase the question. Presumably, nature intended someone to be lesbian and therefore—

  Rev Dr Fleming: We do not know that.

  Q722  Dr Harris: Just like nature intended a very sick, premature child to die without huge amounts of expensive medical intervention; and therefore is it your view that if nature has indicated something quite clearly, whether it be that someone is lesbian or that a child is going to die without an incubator, that we should just let that go?

  Mrs Quintavalle: No.

  Q723  Dr Harris: Secondly, are you aware of the work that we have heard of from Professor Susan Golombok showing that in fact there is no adverse impact on children, and the welfare of children, born to loving, stable lesbian couples; and that therefore the opposition to allowing them to use IVF might be seen to be pure discrimination against them because of their sexuality?

  Rev Dr Fleming: When we were first introduced to the idea of donor conception, we were told there was no evidence that these children would be in any way damaged. I am afraid a negative does not cut it. Later, as time goes by, we now find the fact that those children claim that they have been damaged. We have a long way to wait yet before we see what happens with the children of same-sex couples and what the psychological and social implications will be.

  Q724  Dr Harris: You have seen her work?

  Rev Dr Fleming: Yes.

  Q725  Dr Harris: Do you think it is shoddy or wrong? She says there is evidence that they are well adjusted, as well adjusted as all heterosexual—

  Rev Dr Fleming: We will have to wait a while before the studies come in.

  Rt Rev Dr Nazir-Ali: I want to comment on the research. I think all the evidence is that the samples are very small. They are mainly volunteers from the gay and lesbian communities. The research has not been tested against controls to a very great extent; and of course there is other research, which is considerably greater in scope, Tomorrow's Man for example, the Australian research, and the work done by Rutter and Smith on how children fare when there are both parents.

  Chairman: We have the message. You do not accept that research which has been presented to us.

  Q726  Mr Key: Can I ask Bishop Michael to expand a little on the Church of England's position? Bishop Tom Butler, in the evidence that we have received, said: "The Church of England would like to have reassurance that the Committee is asking key questions about human purpose and meaning." We are talking about the law as it stands rather than theology or anything else. How could the law incorporate these concepts, which the Church of England wishes us to address?

  Rt Rev Dr Nazir-Ali: This has to do with human dignity and respect. Apart from any other body of law, the HFE Act itself and the code of practice that flows from it certainly recognises things that are teleological. That is what we mean; that human-beings are not merely means to an end, but ends in themselves; and the HFE Act recognises that. We would want that retained in any future legislation, any modification of the Act in fact. That is the kind of concern that is behind paragraph 14, not to move towards the direction of instrumentality in the way that I was discussing with Dr Turner earlier.

  Q727  Mr Key: Josephine, you say in evidence that the HFEA has strayed beyond its remit. Do you think that the remit should be extended to cover those areas, and who should take on those functions?

  Mrs Quintavalle: I believe in absolute that the HFEA should not be making decisions; I think they are far too self-interested, and they are inevitably going to be accused of conflicts of interest every time they make a decision. Their recent decisions, one on `designer' babies, and one on cloning, were as secretive as ever, as difficult to untangle, as complex and obscure as any that have gone previously, so I do not find any indication that they are willing to engage in public debate. I simply think that they should just regulate and leave the decision-making to another body that I think needs to be created. Most countries in the democratic world have national bioethics committees. I have attended recently the UNESCO deliberations of their International Bioethics Committee. I have spoken to members of the Bush Bioethics Committee, the Italian National Bioethics Committee. I think this is the way forward. I do not think we are well served by the HFEA making these kinds of decisions.

  Q728  Dr Turner: I would like to know who panellists think should make these decisions. The implication from Dr Watt earlier was that Parliament itself should not delegate that responsibility to anybody. Could I have your views, please?

  Rev Dr Fleming: I agree with Dr Watt.

  Mrs Quintavalle: My ideal of a bioethics committee is as an advisory body without any power whatsoever, and the very big issues—and I do think designer babies is a very big issue—there was no public consultation of any kind on that. Every decision regarding designer babies, the use of PGD for designer babies, was taken behind closed doors. This is extraordinary.

  Q729  Mr Key: The Catholic Bishops' Conference has recommended that we should follow the example of Italy and go down the route of combining a mandatory limit of three embryos for transfer, with an obligation to re-implant all produced embryos, cryopreservation of excess embryos being prohibited, and the use of assisted reproduction to sterile heterosexual couples in a stable relationship. Is this something you would all agree with, that we should go with the Italian model?

  Rt Rev Dr Nazir-Ali: I speak from my experience of the HFEA, obviously. It is clear that Parliament must provide the parameters for both regulation and ethical decision-making, and I think the HFE Act tries to do that, perhaps unsatisfactorily, but it has an attempt at it, and I would be very sorry if primary legislation like the Act did not have matters like respect for the embryo, the need of the child for a father, and so forth in it, as it does now. However, the value of the HFEA is that it brings together expertise and decision-making. If you separated regulation from ethical decision-making, we would need to ensure that there was enough expertise present, if any body were to be created, so that decisions were informed and not just romantic.

  Q730  Mr Key: I should declare an interest as a fully paid-up member of the Church of England, but I am bound to say that some of the comments I have heard this morning have shocked me, and the implications, for example when we heard reference to conception of the best kind. What is the best kind? It implies there is a worst kind and that there is some sort of difference in the child that is born. Given that it is estimated that half of all conceptions are unplanned or unwanted, is producing wanted children then your best option?

  Rev Dr Fleming: The question is not that we are recommending that people should produce unwanted children or that people should be irresponsible in their sexual behaviour. It simply does not follow from the proposition. We were called here to give evidence on a particular course of action, and I think we have done that. In answer to your previous question, parliament in my view has the responsibility to set down the fundamental parameters or benchmarks that would govern the decisions that a body like the HFEA would make, and to that extent therefore I completely agree with what Dr Watt is saying on behalf of the Catholic Bishops, that the fundamental ethical issues are properly determined by the parliament and not by an unelected, delegated group.

  Q731  Paul Farrelly: A very interesting question was asked by Rob Key as to whether the panel would prefer to go down the Italian model, but it was not really answered, and perhaps the other three members might like the chance to give an answer.

  Mrs Quintavalle: I am happy to answer that. Bishop Michael, at the beginning of his evidence reminded us that the HFE Act was instigated to afford some protection to the embryo. The Italian legislation provides maximum protection to the embryo, and I ask whether an Italian embryo is any different from an English embryo?

  Q732  Mr Key: Or Australian one?

  Rev Dr Fleming: Particularly so!

  Dr Watt: IVF as practised in Italy still is not Catholic IVF because we do not agree with IVF at all, but it is a matter of focusing in on the worst abuses IVF involves—experimentation, discarded embryos, and things affecting the identity of the child such as surrogacy, donation and so on. Despite the fact that there is no such thing as Catholic IVF, we would be much better off with the Italian model than the law we have got now.

  Q733  Geraldine Smith: I can understand how desperate people must get who want a child and who are prepared to go through IVF, but do you think they realise what they are getting themselves into? I have had friends that went through the treatment and it was pretty traumatic for them. Do you have any evidence about what effect destroying the discarded embryos has on the parents? Presumably, they want the child so much, so to think that the other embryos are just being destroyed must have a terrible effect on some people, and you certainly do not have to be a Catholic or a religious person necessarily to suffer those traumatic effects.

  Mrs Quintavalle: I can give an anecdotal response to that of a couple who rang me, of the mother who said, "I have embryos in the freezer and I am looking out my kitchen window at my two children playing in my back yard. I do not have enough money to continue with IVF treatment to have those embryos implanted, and I know that they are my children's brother or sister and I am now being asked to throw them away." In fact CORE intervened in that case and persuaded the IVF clinic to do the IVF treatment at a reduced rate; but she certainly personalised the position that an IVF patient has. They do not consider it is a bit of nothing; it is to them a sibling of the child that they may already have or that they hope to have.

  Q734  Geraldine Smith: Are those parents given enough information at the beginning?

  Rev Dr Fleming: Consumer groups in other parts of the world have indicated that they have not. There is overwhelming people evidence that people do not know, from the woman's point of view, what she is getting herself into by virtue of the process itself, the feelings they will have when it fails, as it most often does, and certainly quite unaware of the implications of what in the end will happen to embryos that are in deep freeze, or even increased risks of disability and the perinatal morbidity and mortality which attends IVF. The literature is replete with that evidence, but it is on the whole not really made generally available to people for them to consider.

  Q735  Bob Spink: I want to move things on a bit and will put a proposition to you and let you respond to it very briefly, because you have already indicated your views. Is the HFEA membership representative or biased? Is it accountable, or are its processes very obscure and not transparent? Does it reflect public opinion in its decisions, and, if so, how does it gauge what public opinion is before taking those decisions? Could I have your responses to that proposition?

  Dr Watt: Unaccountable, secretive, unrepresentative—everything you have said really.

  Rev Dr Fleming: That says it really. Bias is too strong a word for me. I would say that there are strong interests of the people who are on it, which are not necessarily representative of the community as a whole, and issues of conflict of interest are not well handled.

  Q736  Geraldine Smith: I think there is a lot of public concern that this group is completely unaccountable and making decisions with huge implications, and that even Parliament is having no say in this. I am quite interested in Josephine's recommendation of an ethics committee. Can you tell us how you see that operating with a group of philosophers, theologians and qualified ethicists so that we can have a complete debate before we make some of these huge decisions?

  Mrs Quintavalle: I have often said that I would prefer at least in the first instance that the Human Genetics Commission took on this role. It is a body that I have considerable respect for. I have spoken to some of the Bush Bioethics Committee members who were there and attended when the chair of the HFEA gave evidence to them, and they were seriously shocked at the idea that the HFEA does not have representation from alternative points of view. In my submission, I have quoted from the website. The Bush Bioethics Committee—I know that Bush is not a popular word in England at the moment, but I would really recommend that you look at the composition of that committee. It does not come up with majority pro-life rulings; they frequently come up with decisions that I get very agitated about; but it is a very, very prestigious collection of academics, and the great thing about them is that they can make all the recommendations they like but they cannot implement any. Comparison, with the greatest respect, between a group like that—and I could also give you details of the Italian Bioethics Committee—and the HFEA just does not come out in our favour.

  Q737  Chairman: Are these people in the States hand-picked by government?

  Mrs Quintavalle: Each president has his bioethics committee.

  Q738  Chairman: He will pick his—

  Mrs Quintavalle: Yes, they are, and there have been accusations at the current committee and its advice, but if you look at their deliberations it is very difficult to uphold that. In particular there has been a lot of controversy over stem cell issues.

  Q739  Bob Spink: Since CORE took a legal action recently and won it originally—and we all now what has happened since—do you think that in taking that legal action you provided a public service, and what does the fact that you have won your legal action tell us about the current state of the law?

  Mrs Quintavalle: We won, and then subsequently on appeal we lost; but I also draw people's attention to the fact that the case is going to the House of Lords in March on the so-called designer baby. I quite frankly making a reference to Buckingham Palace: I think it might be cheaper to stand on a balcony at Buckingham Palace to make a point, and you get more publicity. It is a very expensive way for the public voice to be aired, and this is a thing that I object to very strongly. I want to conduct my debates with politicians; I do not want to conduct them with an unelected body, which the HFEA is. This is all I ask for at this stage.


 
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