Select Committee on Transport Written Evidence


Memorandum by Norman Andrew Kellett Esq (LR 26)

INTEGRATED TRANSPORT:  THE FUTURE OF LIGHT RAIL AND MODERN TRAMS IN BRITAIN

1.  INTRODUCTION

  I am a retired Civil Servant, formerly working within the Criminal Justice system, and have a user's interest in the development of best practices in the field of urban public transport. I am grateful to the members of the Transport Committee for this opportunity to make a submission and contribution towards their deliberations.

2.  LIGHT RAIL AND TRAMWAYSWHAT ARE THEY?

  Let us define what we are talking about—Light Rail is considered to be a railway, fully segregated, but with tighter curves and steeper gradients than found in "heavy rail" systems, and utilising lightweight vehicles. UK examples are Tyne & Wear Metro and London's Docklands Light Railway. The current debate is not, however, about such systems but about tramways—rail-guided, steel-wheeled vehicles used singly or in multiple units on metal tracks laid both in street surfaces and in fully or partially segregated rights of way, powered by electricity drawn from overhead conductor wires. UK examples include Croydon Tramlink, Sheffield Supertram, Nottingham Express Transit and Manchester Metrolink (the latter displaying many metro features, due to its origins as a pair of "heavy rail" lines).

  My submission will concentrate on the role of the tramway in relation to your subject matter.

  Due to their capacity to move large numbers of people, tramways occupy a defined sector of the urban public transport spectrum—they are needed when ridership (actual or potential) in a travel corridor is required for 3,000 to 15,000 people per hour per direction—below this sector, buses are the optimum solution, above it, Light Rail (above) or metro is needed.

  Although the lower and upper margins of this sector are "negotiable", the core is not, and attempts to utilise other modes of transport prove to be ineffective or inappropriate. In the UK, the realisation has begun to dawn that the bus is not the "one-size-fits-all" solution it was made out to be, and that increasing investment in buses, in the wrong context, is a waste of scarce resources. This is a stinging nettle, but it has to be grasped if progress is sought.

  My submission to Members is that trams are vital in certain roles—no other mode is suitable.

3.  THE BENEFITS AND COSTS OF TRAMWAYS

3.1  Benefits

  Capacity—(bus—up to 100, tram—up to 300 due to vehicle length) a long tram has the ability of the whole vehicle to follow a fixed "swept path", especially in city centres—lengthy steered vehicles cannot make sharp turns without fouling adjacent vehicles or the kerb, and become difficult or impossible to handle in confined spaces, but trams of 45 metre length or more can be accommodated without problems in city streets.

  Pollution-free at point of use, resulting in cleaner air;

  Noise-free—resulting in a quieter environment for passenger and pedestrian alike;

  Comfortable—providing a superior travel experience as a result of steel-railed track with smoother and controlled acceleration and braking (buses tend to throw you about due to hard suspensions, poor road surfaces and poor driving standards);

  Tried and Tested Technology—developed over more than 100 years, with world-wide endorsement—new systems are being opened each year, and others extended.

  As a result of their inherent characteristics, trams bring a widening circle of benefit:

    —  safety for road users, due to the predictable, fixed path;

    —  ability to penetrate pedestrian-only areas—bringing people to where they want;

    —  higher operating speeds, especially where traffic priority is in-built (frequently);

    —  reduction in congestion (this may then fill up again, but total capacity is raised);

    —  creation of new travel capacity, but ensuring it is by public, not private, transport;

    —  encourages new public travel patterns and a gradually increasing patronage;

    —  less vibration and vehicle noise, both in the vehicle and in neighbouring buildings;

    —  confidence in the service—shiny rails give an expectation of a tram coming soon;

    —  "sexy image" (some say)—perception of a modern, vibrant, going-places city;

    —  encourages development of commercial and industrial activity;

    —  assists regeneration of socially deprived areas;

    —  results in modal shift from private transport by offering an acceptable experience;

    —  encourages city centre revitalisation and enhancement—a pride in the place;

    —  Kyoto-friendly, both as a means of transport and in encouraging less motor usage;

    —  long-term future (at least 50 years) encourages local stability and development;

    —  has the perception of not getting caught up in traffic—therefore quicker, better;

    —  traffic management of adjacent traffic is often included in the package;

    —  enhanced environment around the tramway—planting and street furniture;

    —  greater disabled access and in-vehicle space for wheelchairs, buggies, etc;

    —  an efficient crowd-mover when needed, especially in extremis (eg big events).

3.2  The Downside

  HM Government shows itself to have a high profile awareness of the problems when considering investment in new tramway systems, to the point of allowing itself only grudging recognition of the benefits. These problems include—

  Capital Costs of planning, infrastructure and vehicles (this is the major problem);

  Scarce Resources available—at the end of the day, this is a matter of will-power;

  Power station emissions—traction current supply for tramways forms only a tiny proportion of the national demand for electricity, and is comparatively cleaner than the fuel usage of the internal combustion engine.

3.3  Costs

  Planning—these will include specialist advice about routing, surveying, public consultation and enquiry, legal matters, cost of submission to Dept for Transport (10 years ago this alone was estimated to be in excess of £2 million—it will have gone up considerably in view of the mass of new regulations and legislation now in place, as well as the Department's more complex requirements), and the tendering processes;

  Construction—all groundwork is now expensive, and diversion of utilities particularly so (tramway promoters now have to make a virtually free gift of new underground infrastructure, paying 92.5%—in Germany it averages 60% and in France nil); costs depend upon the amount of street running and the availability and condition of railway formations that are included in the routing;

  Vehicles—regrettably, new trams are expensive, although they have a working life of thirty years and a larger capacity than buses—a new Bombardier Cityrunner tram (with 100% low floor) cost the Austrian city of Linz about £1.5 million (2003). There have been attempts to introduce standardisation, without success, but the limited availability of the number of manufacturer's designs tends to enforce a degree of standardisation; however, not every design suits every city's needs.

  Operating Costs—statistics are almost impossible to track down (commercial confidentiality), and different operators will use differing bases of calculation. It is to be expected that total operating costs (including maintenance) will probably not be fully met by fare-box income. The National Audit Office report (23 April 2004) indicated that "systems need to be, and to be seen to be, viable" (p.33)—this to attract private firms to be operators.

  Full costs of a new system vary widely, as the number of factors (and their relative importance or weakness) will have differing effects in differing locations. According to the above NAO report, the Nottingham tram system (1.5 routes, and using a fair amount of railway-type running) cost £180 million for 14 route miles.

  As I write this, the town of Angers (France) (regional population 227,000) has announced a decision to build a new 12km (7.5 miles) tramway with 32 trams, open by 2009—total cost (£117 million)—with a second route under evaluation also.

3.4  Conclusions

  As members of the Committee who have visited tramway systems—particularly European systems—will be aware, trams are simply a part of life, which are accepted as the norm—ordinary, unspectacular—it is only the British who seem to have difficulties and make a huge fuss about them. The French roll up their sleeves and get on with new systems and new extensions, whilst the British dither hesitatingly on the side, wringing their hands in doubt and trepidation, looking for cheaper ways out of their problems and seeking solace in their usual comforting haven—buses for everything. The French find the money, and glow with pride at the results; the British (especially politicians) faff around. Generally, tramways are seen as a natural part of the urban infrastructure, and the service they provide, with their inherent benefits, is good and provides an acceptable travel experience for motorists; yes, they are costly to build, but you have to bite the bullet—once they are in place they are of huge importance in the local economy and style of life, over a long period.

4.  WHAT LIGHT RAIL/TRAMWAY SYSTEMS NEED TO BE SUCCESSFUL

  Traffic Levels—requiring correct choice of corridors and routes

  Integration with other transport links

  Finance—a sound financial framework

  Attitudes—imaginative, pro-active, flexible non-bureaucratic management attitudes.

  BUT define "successful"—is this "doing the transport job effectively" or "making a profit"? The two are very different. Is the basis of the Committee's judgement "forget quality, think cost"? Modern European tramways are successful—and expanding—because they do the job better than other modes at a funding level that is acceptable; the British approach has consistently been to put finance first, transport second.

4.1  Traffic Levels  

  The great strength of the tram is its ability to move large flows of passengers (see 3.1 above)—this is its intended role. Full trams, running frequently, cheaply and dependably, attracting and handling large numbers of passengers (including new ridership) are successful. This, in turn, generates greater fare-box income.

4.2  Integration

  Sheffield was the classic example of a free-for-all, with competing deregulated buses operating at artificially cheaper fares (and a politically-inspired fares policy on the trams of "premium fares for premium ride"). Integration, properly functioning, is a cardinal requirement of a successful use of trams. In Geneva, this has resulted in the formation of an operator (Unireso) drawn from the local public transport operator, Swiss railways, the lake steamer operator, and provincial bus operators who come into the city. Through-ticketing and a universal fares policy are a requirement.

4.3  Sound Financial Framework

  Success must be judged by the ability to move people by giving large numbers of them an acceptable transport experience, especially as compared with a car journey (acceptable by their standards) rather than by year-end profit and loss figures. If profitability is put before all other considerations, the service deteriorates, as accountants start to dictate policy—vehicles, trackwork, services all start to be cut back in a cycle of decline. If an operating profit cannot be achieved, satisfactory and reliable subsidy in one form or another would be needed (not on a hand-to-mouth basis). Most places in the world accept that there might be an ongoing price to pay for the service and benefits of tramways, and are willing to carry this through other means; the service provided is of public benefit and enhances the local economy.

  Accordingly, the PFI arrangements, with private capital carrying the risks, are seen to be something of a failure, with risk-averse government and public bodies trying to shovel off the main financial risks to private enterprise (which, fingers burned, is now assessing the risks too highly). Take a look, instead, at the French way of funding.

4.4  Imaginative, Flexible Pro-active Management

  A management which thinks "we are stuck with this fixed tram route and can do nothing with it" is blinkered, negative and dead to potential and initiative. This is what happened in the mid-twentieth century when local authorities, having proudly built and introduced the Corporation Tramways, then ran them by a committee who were often too short-sighted and bureaucratic to have the vision; the tramways withered whilst the expanding bus industry cashed in on the opportunities afforded by development and extension of towns and cities. Modern-day tramway management needs to be pro-active for opportunities, both in running the services and in expanding the network of routes. In this latter respect, the monumental hurdles laid down by the regulations and the Dept. for Transport are a major disincentive, involving a huge expenditure of time and money just to lay one metre of extra track. However, a good UK example of what can be done is Sheffield, where the original Supertram operator made a loss, and ridership failed to measure up to expectations; once the franchise passed to Stagecoach, they were able, with the existing trams and track layout, to turn the business around into profit. Imaginative and pro-active management! A positive, supportive government outlook would help; it is absent.

  Members of the Committee will, therefore, understand that an appropriate definition of "successful"" is vital if sound future decisions about tramways are to be made. Do trams have to solve a transport problem or are they to be a financially profitable operation?

5.  HOW EFFECTIVELY ARE TRAMWAYS USED AS PART OF AN INTEGRATED TRANSPORT SYSTEM?

  Integration is a management state of mind—something human—and will not happen if it is not wanted or planned. This in turn depends upon the local public transport arrangements—if it is in the control of one authority, which is able to plan routes, services and fares, or whether services are provided by a number of competing and overlapping operators, each out for his own slice of the market.

  Deregulation is hostile to integration, and, politically, integration has been seen by some as a monopoly, a cartel and probably bureaucratic.

  Light rail and tramways are as capable of full integration as any other mode within the transport network where services are planned rather than being left to market-driven forces.

  This begs the question as to whether the Committee considers public transport to be a public service, over which the authorities have firm control, or a competitive and unconstrained market-place enterprise, where profit is the driving factor.

  To a lesser degree, the infrastructure will dictate how much integration takes place. Where a tramway is purely street-based it has close interaction with road traffic (including buses), but where it is based on a railway formation (as were the two initial Manchester Metrolink routes), the trams mostly run remotely from roads and the points of integration are fewer.

  In urban public transport, the 1986 Act deregulated local services and saw integration as a form of suppression of competition. Through ticketing is still seen in this way, and indeed some hold that it is contrary to anti-monopoly legislation.

6.  BARRIERS TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIGHT RAIL AND TRAMWAYS

  Attitude—the prevalent UK official outlook that is cynical about, and hostile to, tramways—regardless of their merits; this is often heavily encouraged by the bus lobby, and means that tramways have an in-built uphill task to overcome prejudice.

  Costs—the relatively high capital cost of new infrastructure and vehicles is seen as a high mountain to climb—why climb it when you can go round it cheaply in a bus?

  Applications—are time consuming, very expensive and very uncertain in possibility of success—the Dept. for Transport has too often demanded fresh plans, lower costs and revised objectives, causing expensive delays and rising costs in the interim.

  Financial provisions (capital)—promoters find the arrangements for financing new construction to be expensive and difficult to set up, and inadequate in their provision of monetary levels. They also are beginning to baulk at having to carry a disproportionate level of financial risk.

  Financial provisions (operating costs)—forecasting ridership levels is a difficult task (mankind is not blessed with prophecy), more so when compulsory as part of a business plan; shortfall in the early years is dreaded,

  Local opposition ("not in my back yard")—often ill-informed and misplaced ("Don't want trams because of the fire risks from their fuel tanks"—Nottingham 2004); opposition often comes through worry about the construction chaos, although this is true of any major road project. It is usually forgotten once the trams are running.

  Over-engineering—regrettably, in many cases the overhead current supply is too costly and unsightly, designed by companies whose experience is heavy-rail based, and who import railway structures into a street scenario somewhat inappropriately.

  Regulatory demands—increasing demands in relation to safety and access increase costs and complexity.

  Utility diversion—it is regarded as necessary not have underground installations below the tracks, and these must be resited prior to track installation—this is time- consuming, disruptive and costly, and utilities concerned receive new pipes and conduits as a virtual free gift (they pay only 7.5%) whatever the state of the originals.

  Politics—interference from politicians at national and local level bedevils public transport, and results in poor decisions. Where there is all-party support for a tramway (as there was in Croydon), the path is considerably smoothed, where there is infighting, problems follow. Currently, Midland Metro's plans to extend their tramway into the streets of central Birmingham are on hold because one political party has decided it wants an underground metro rather than trams—long delays!

7.  EFFECT OF DIFFERING FINANCE ARRANGEMENTS (PUBLIC/PRIVATE) ON TRAMWAY COSTS

  7.1  This is not a subject on which I am qualified to comment—the Committee will doubtless receive informative and professional submissions from other parties.

  7.2  The heading seems to imply, prima facie, that the Committee is wondering whether a revision of the proportions of capital finance as between both sectors might have a major effect on total costs. In the sense that the private sector seems to believe currently that the state funding is risk-free but their own funding is risk-heavy (and therefore costed inappropriately), it is possible that a major amendment of the proportionality might have an advantageous effect upon costs.

  7.3  The consortium which succeeds in its bid will normally have a DBOM contract for a specified period of years (Design, Build, Operate and Maintain) (Nottingham is differently set-up). This has the advantage that it keeps everything "in-house"; it has the disadvantage that each player within the consortium will be looking to make its own substantial profit from its own sector of the enterprise, and that a series of complicated contracts (not always watertight) will exist within the consortium. It is a fact that this is the way the industry operates, there being no one supplier who can provide a complete unified tramway service to promoters.

  7.4  If risks can be seen to be covered automatically within the financial arrangements, without slamming the brakes on the whole enterprise at each adverse turn, then costs may, indeed, fall back to something like original levels. Such risks include construction cost over-runs (perhaps due to unforeseen circumstances, such as external delays, ground conditions, man-made or legal complications) and late delivery penalty clauses; they may also include lower than expected ridership figures.

  In the latter case, it must always be remembered that the choice of mode of travel is that entirely of the customer, and people can be unpredictable and independent in their choices and their timing.

  7.5  You may wish to look in detail at the French method of finance—it seems to work satisfactorily for all parties (there would not be so many new French tramways if not).

  7.6  It does, however, seem that you may have the question back-to-front: financing should be influenced by total cost, not the other way around. In the past, cutbacks in finance have meant corners cut on new systems, with loss of efficiency and quality, For example, it is commonly said that the finance of the first phase of Manchester Metrolink was cut down, resulting in the purchase of fewer vehicles, resulting further in an inability of meet an increasing passenger demand and an increased service capability. Shot oneself truly in the foot.

  7.7  You may wish to ascertain in detail from a current proposer a full breakdown as to how the total proposed cost is arrived at, with his comments about each item, its cause, its basis of calculation, its relevance and the reasons for its inclusion.

8.  PRACTICALITY OF ALTERNATIVES TO TRAMWAYS, SUCH AS INCREASED BUS INVESTMENT

  8.1  It was stated above [para. 2] that tramways have the role of fulfilling a specific segment of the urban public transport spectrum, and that no other mode is capable of fulfilling that segment satisfactorily. It follows that increased bus investment would therefore be a waste of money—the transport need would lack a transport solution.

  8.2  It is accepted that novel forms of bus are being developed (in terms of guidance systems), but these require a continuous infrastructure in order to operate, and construction costs therefore are become similar to that of the tried and tested tram.

  8.3  Further investment in buses as a substitute for trams would instead provide us with increased problems attendant upon bus operation—noise, vibration, fumes, poor quality ride, traffic congestion.

  8.4  The bus has a poor public image, and is, in some senses, played out (except in London)—more of them will not improve that image.

  8.5  Over very many years Government thinking has continually returned to this theme, perhaps proving that its preferred option is still misplaced and inappropriate, but certainly demonstrating the official fixation with the bus, despite weighty submissions to the contrary (see the submissions to Transport Sub-Committee's Light Rapid Transit Systems report of May 2000 (HC153)).

  8.6  Transport systems in Europe and the USA (all operators of buses) continue to demonstrate that, in appropriate locations, tramways are the most suitable and effective mode of transport. They demonstrate faith in an effective transport solution for a real transport requirement—some UK transport authorities are also endeavouring to prove the same point, but are facing too many hurdles in doing so.

  8.7  A bit of history for you. By 1969 the city of Geneva had converted all its tramways to bus or trolleybus operation, except for one route; it was realised that this route carried 20-25% of all the passengers of the system, and buses/trolleybuses would not cope; instead, the tramway was retained, developed, modernised—so that, now, tramways are being extended, and taking over certain sections of rubber-tyres routes. The message to your Committee is clear. Investment in alternatives is unlikely to be productive, and is inappropriate.

9.  CONCLUSIONS

  9.1  Integration—perfectly workable if the will is there; in fact, trams thrive in an integrated transport system, but do less well in a free-for-all deregulated system.

  9.2  Tramways work—with technology that has been tried and tested world-wide for more than a century, tramways continue to prove themselves.

  9.3  Cost—is a disincentive, but a nettle to be grasped; the provision of tramways is seen by many cities as a public service, and they recognise both that the benefits enrich and enhance the city, and that quality comes with a price tag, which they will accept.

  9.4  Alternatives—the bus is not an effective or viable substitute—buses have had the road to themselves in the UK since 1962 (except in London and Glasgow )—if they are the perfect one-size-fits-all solution, why are our urban roads jammed with private traffic, and why are transport operators looking to the tram for a better solution?

  9.5  History—after the War, our cities scrapped their run-down tramways, often for political reasons, in favour of the "cheaper" option of buses, destroying millions of pounds of previous investment. Voices at the time urged them instead to retain, develop and extend tramways selectively, but to no avail. A generation later we are faced with starting from scratch, an expensive legacy of earlier mistaken policies. Cities abroad elsewhere did not make the mistake, and have not had to face the bills.

  I recommend these thoughts to your consideration. I hope they will be of help, and I will be happy to answer further questions if you so wish; I thank you for your time and attention.

February 2005



 
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