Select Committee on Trade and Industry Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 42-59)

ENERGY INTENSIVE USERS GROUP

25 JANUARY 2005

  Q42 Chairman: Good morning. Could you introduce your colleagues, and then we will get started.

  Mr Farrell: Yes. I am Kevin Farrell and I am Chairman of the Energy Intensive Users Group. This is Jeremy Nicholson, the Director of the Energy Intensive Users Group, and this is Dr Jim Robertson, the Energy Director, Terra Nitrogen UK Limited, but he also has various European connections and chairs committees in Europe about the whole issue of gas prices.

  Q43 Chairman: We sometimes lump industrial and commercial customers together as a homogenous group. Are there significant differences between the problems faced by the different sectors, or between large and small companies within each sector, in dealing with energy price rises? Is there a uniform problem with a uniform response?

  Mr Farrell: No. The whole reason for the Energy Intensive Users Group is to provide a lobbying base for those industries for whom energy content is both a very large and a very unpredictable part of their costs and often over which they have no control. As you go down the scale, people or other companies, it is either a lower proportion or the size of their consumption gives them lesser options. We are at the heavy end and companies must decide both how they buy and how they take the risk and how far forward.

  Mr Robertson: I think there is one important difference, which certainly in the first session did not emerge, and that is that the delivered price of gas is essentially made up of three items: the wholesale price; the transportation cost; and other administrative costs and margins. The difference between intensive energy companies and smaller users is that the transportation costs are not nearly such a significant effect. One of the great achievements of liberalisation of gas in the UK was   to control transportation costs. Because transportation costs in the UK have been well regulated and well controlled, smaller users, commercial users who have a relatively high proportion of transportation costs, see a relative advantage. That is one of the reasons, when you look at statistics, that you see domestic and commercial prices have been, in the '90s, ahead of the rest of Europe, and the advantage to big industrial companies has not been nearly as big—although from time to time there has been a small advantage.

  Q44 Chairman: We got the impression, I think, from evidence that was submitted in October time, that forward gas prices were very high in September, when many companies were agreeing their new supply contracts, and prices have since fallen quite significantly. But many of those who sent us written evidence were the people who agreed to take on contracts at the most expensive time. It seems a bit daft to buy energy at the most expensive time. Did they have a choice? Maybe you could explain for the record how you, as customers, operate in this market.

  Mr Farrell: I can answer it as far as ceramics and some others are concerned, although people's policies differ. You actually buy—and it is a fairly brutal regime—when your price contract runs out, and there are some quite severe penalty charges, so you cannot go shopping in a conventional sense. We actually took a view inside our industry many years ago to stay outside the September period. Really, where you would get indicators that the price would be likely to be higher in the winter, almost automatically, we advised companies five or six years ago or more to attempt always to negotiate May to August. That is beneficial. I do not think it is a material influence. If you normally negotiate in September, you might pay a marginally higher price, but then you would be subject to exactly the same fluctuations.

  Mr Nicholson: If I could add to that. The so-called October gas year is a legacy from the old British Gas days. There is a slight peak in April as well in terms of the proportion of the market that is contracting on that annual basis. Companies could move away from it—in fact, I expect a number probably are considering it precisely because of the experience of what happened last year, but, of course, if that peak just moves to another time in the year, I am not sure we solve the problem. It is certainly a current feature of the market but, arguably, if a large number of customers are coming to the market at the same time as a large number of gas, there is no particular reason why the price should necessarily be any higher.

  Q45 Chairman: What if people say, "Right, we want to avoid the September price likely rise" and just go for spot market in the short term?

  Mr Farrell: That has been a response of a number of our members, particularly the larger intensive ones that are in a better position—not necessarily an equal position with all other gas market participants but a better position than some—to monitor the markets. If you feel that the forward market has in some senses gone awry and prices have taken leave of fundamentals, then you would expect the spot market price will not tend to deliver those sort of prices in any event. That is certainly what has happened for this winter. But, of course, by engaging in a spot market linked contract, you take on a degree of risk, as a consumer, that would otherwise be borne by a supplier, and a level of risk that is not borne by your Continental competitors. Jeremy may want to add something to that.

  Mr Robertson: I would like to comment very specifically. The forward market prices in the UK have been totally non-competitive—and they still are. If you look at next winter, the forward market price today is around 45 pence a therm. That is at least 50% higher than the likely outturn of prices linked to oil in the non-liberalised Continental European market. Our customers require us to agree now to sell product and they also require certainty of price—because we operate in very competitive markets, competing internationally—and if we simply, as we are being forced to do, take the risk of buying spot, we have taken all the risk and the suppliers take none of the risk. So the risk has been passed down the chain from the producer/suppliers to large end-users. For companies who are owned by overseas owners, that is very bad for investment, because our chief executive in the States looks at what is happening in the UK and is loathe to invest more money in plant improvement when the future is so uncertain and when, as he sees it, we are taking too much risk. But, alternatively, we cannot fix a price, simply because to do so, we would be locking in a massive loss—which we do not think will happen—because on the day the price is cheaper. The biggest part of the problem is the forward market. That is not to say the prompt market is working totally effectively either, but the bigger part of the problem is the forward market, and large intensive companies do need the ability to manage that and not just to put everything to short-term spot prices.

  Q46 Chairman: You say in your memorandum that there is evidence of market failure and concentration of market power. I wonder if you could spell this out in greater detail and suggest the evidence you have to show that.

  Mr Nicholson: We are aware that the UK wholesale market, the production, is dominated by a relatively small number of relatively large players—many of them vertically integrated, as we heard from the evidence of energywatch. I think you may also be hearing later on today from the Chemical Industries Association, which has done a sort of Herfendal analysis of market concentration suggesting it is a highly concentrated market. That, in itself, does not necessarily mean there is a problem, but when you add to that additional factors, such as the imbalance of information available to consumers and independents in the market; barriers to entry which we have heard about; and—an interesting feature of the market—we know from gas producers that there are—and I am choosing my words carefully, so please do not misinterpret them—collaborative arrangements that would facilitate collusion. We are not alleging that this has occurred, we do not have any evidence to that effect—if we did, it would be with the competition authorities—but we nonetheless have a structure and a set of arrangements that would appear to facilitate it. Indeed, we know from the Offshore Operators Association themselves that their members—they would say quite properly, and maybe rightly so—talk to one another about the quantity of gas they need to land on the shore. There may be good reasons, for security of supply and investment in the UK Continental shelf, that these things go on, but it is nonetheless a feature of the market and not the sort of features of the most competitive markets, I would suggest.

  Q47 Chairman: There is gas production and there is wholesale and retail gas supply—three different elements. Do you think there are enough players in this? Do you think entry is too restrictive to get the kind of dynamic competition that would cause the interaction to keep prices down?

  Mr Nicholson: First of all, in terms of production it depends what you mean by a number of players. There is a tail, if you look at the distribution of very small players, who are effectively price takers. So if you simply look at the number of players in the market you do not get the whole picture. There is a question of concentration in production and certainly there could be barriers to entry there. On the supply and retailing end, arguably the barriers are lower, and it is not our contention that the problems lie there; it is more that they lie upstream, in the wholesale end of the market. We have heard the comments energywatch have made about regulation, the disjunction, if you like, between where Ofgem's jurisdiction ends and others', perhaps, either does or does not begin—we are not quite sure—and of course the regulatory role that the FSA, OFT, the European Commission and others might conceivably play. So we have concerns about that. It may be that addressing the regulatory regime may be one of the most productive ways of addressing this problem.

  Q48 Mr Clapham: Could I go back to the contracts, Mr Farrell. We are talking in terms of them all coming up for renewal in a given point in the year. We have heard Mr Nicholson say that this is something we inherited from the old British Gas days. Nevertheless, the fact that they require to be renewed at that given part of the year does result in increases or certainly the causing of spikes. How do we get away from that if spot prices carry the kind of problems to which Mr Nicholson has referred? That probably, because of that risk, would not be the way to go. Is there another way that we might be able to avoid the contracts coming to be renewed at given times of the year?

  Mr Farrell: I think we have gone through a very peculiar situation. I do not think the serious spike this autumn was a function of the renewals. We had a serious shortage of supply into the market for whatever reason. We had almost rumour, scandal and gossip saying that we were going to suffer a one-in-30 winter and we had a price spike as a consequence. Our view would be that if you look at the spike in relation to any other parameters, whether it is Continental prices or any other baseline, it was not responding to fundamentals; it was actually responding to the shortage of supply, speculation on the margins of the market. Now, whether people settle at that, whether they settle for one year or two years, is not going to unduly influence the price. What has been happening—the reason for the effect—is that when we were having that spike, and if you went to buy not on the forward market but on the contract market, you were actually paying a price set by the eight quarters out, and, if the market was distorted and it was an artificially high price, you were having to commit yourself to an artificially high price for the period of the contract. So we had an odd situation, where, if you were the company and you wanted to settle, if you were going to renew your contract, it was at an artificially high price; if you went on forward, it was the forward market that was causing the problem; and, in the early part of it, for precisely the same reasons but perhaps more short term, you did not have the ability in the early stages to go into the spot.

  Mr Robertson: May I add to that. The way the market appears to work is that, when a large customer goes to a supplier to try to enter a gas contract, the gas supplier may well be the downstream of one of the vertically integrated companies. That gas supplier will make an offering usually—and, as an aside, one of the problems in the market is that all the offerings tend to be very similar. But the offering is: "Yes, we will sell you gas. These are the arrangements, and the price will be whatever the market price is (ie, the spot market price), and if you want, Mr Customer, to fix your price for a year or two ahead, three months ahead, or whatever, we are willing to offer you that facility, but we don't have any gas, we will have to enter the forward market, the future's contract market, to buy that gas for you on the forward market." I think one of the biggest factors in the spike in the autumn was that, for whatever reason, the supply of sellers of forward contracts did not seem to be there, so there was an imbalance in the forward market position—not an imbalance in physical gas. It is very clear there is plenty of gas and there was no supply shortage but there was an imbalance in the forward market contracts. That is how it appears.

  Q49 Mr Clapham: Would you speculate on why that perceived shortage occurred?

  Mr Robertson: I would certainly say I am speculating. The Energy Intensive Users Group is actually in discussion with the DTI about why the forward market, if I may use the DTI's expression, "is not working as well as it should be"—as opposed to the EIUG view that the market is fundamentally broken. But part of the reason may be due to subtle changes in taxation, part of the reason may be due to market concentration and different strategies by the companies. I mean, over the past six/seven years  we have seen Chevron/Texaco amalgamate, BP/Amoco/ARCO amalgamate, Total/Fina/Elf amalgamate, so there is certainly a contraction, an aggregation. The other area that we are talking on and investigating is to do with the storage contracts. The UK has chosen, rather unusually relative to the rest of Europe, to have negotiated third-party access for storage—and I am talking specifically about Rough Storage owned by Centrica—as opposed to regulated third-party storage. That may also be an effect, inasmuch as the negotiations lead to very high storage costs and then the market says, "Ah, well, if storage costs are so high, the winter price is bound to be high." Some people would argue it is chicken and egg but it may be cause and effect. I am probably rambling slightly, but there are a number of reasons being explored as to why that effect, and I do not think anyone knows for sure.

  Q50 Mr Clapham: May I turn to the underlying impact on British industry. We know that the industry faces challenges in changing world markets for its materials. Can British industry continue to remain competitive with volatile changes in energy prices?

  Mr Farrell: On the scale we have seen, no, and that is an absolute across all our sectors.

  Q51 Chairman: Perhaps you could, for the record, Mr Farrell and Mr Robertson, tell us the companies who employ you. You represent companies within the British industrial scene in manufacturing. Could you tell us who they are?

  Mr Farrell: It is a very large number. It is Royal  Doulton; Wedgwood; major sanitary-ware manufacturers like Standard; brick-makers; and it is one of the biggest refractory companies in Europe. And it is across the spectrum, across eight or nine sectors.

  Mr Robertson: My employer is a single company: Terra Nitrogen UK Limited, which produce fertilisers and chemicals. I would say that a company like Terra can cope quite adequately with volatility. Volatility is a feature of all markets. The big concern for the UK is the uncompetitive nature of prices, the fact that the UK gas price/the UK electricity price has moved so dramatically out of line with Continental Europe and we cannot understand why that is the case. I think there are big companies who   can cope with volatility, but it is the uncompetitiveness of the prices.

  Q52 Mr Clapham: Why is that, given that Europe does not have a liberalised market like we do in the UK?

  Mr Nicholson: That is exactly what we want to know. Sometimes the excuse is given, "It is all down to oil," but oil is an internationally priced commodity. If oil were the explanation, we would not be seeing a different effect here from there in order of magnitude terms. What matters to businesses is the competitive position, not the absolute level of prices. We understand prices go up in energy, just as in any other commodity. In fact, I think it is correct that the majority of large industrial gas sales in the Continent are indexed to heavy fuel oil, which actually went down in price slightly, I think, during 2004, so it did not experience anything like the price rises that we saw in dollar-denominated crude oil, for example. It is this competitiveness gap opening up that is a matter of concern to us. Why should this be happening, when we are certainly moving towards becoming a net importer on an annual basis of gas? But, so what? Most of Europe is a net importer of gas—some of them right the way through the year—so that in itself is not an explanation either. We have a liberalised market, an allegedly competitive one, and yet we seem to have prices that do not reflect fundamentals. One point on the state of competition in our market: DTI regularly publishes an annual report assessing the level of competition in energy markets in the UK and other European comparators. What it publishes is factually correct, but when they say, "We have got a competitive market," they mean: "We have x number of people competing, not necessarily delivering internationally competitive prices." It is a bit like the situation we had in cars, 10 or 20 years ago, when lots of people were allegedly competing with one another to sell you a car at 30% or 40% more than it cost in Belgium or Germany. It is a bit like that with gas at the moment. The picture we are getting from some of the official statistics does not seem to tell the whole story about whether the prices themselves are competitive, and, of course, that is what matters to our businesses, in the sectors and companies you have heard of, and others: sectors like glass, with companies like Pilkington, and steel, with companies like Corus. These are real issues to them.

  Q53 Mr Clapham: Would it be fair to say that in a less liberated market like Europe there is greater predictability of price because governments are now prepared to intervene?

  Mr Nicholson: I am not sure whether it is directly government intervention per se. Certainly one or   two governments are not proceeding with liberalisation as we would hope. That actually raises security of supply concerns as well as it does pricing ones. I hope you have not taken from any of our comments either orally or in our written evidence that we are asking for formal intervention. We are looking for a review of the regulatory regime and for improvements to market efficiency. But we support markets: we are not asking for price caps or anything like that.

  Mr Farrell: If you break it into two issues—and we hope they are the two issues, in some senses, that you are going to look at throughout the hearing—the first is what has happened quite precisely within the markets, and particularly the forward market, and why we have had the undersupply and why we have then had a situation in which higher prices have been set by a very low volume of trade. The second issue is the way then the prices are set across the whole of the market, piggy-backing on the higher prices, so that the higher spot or forward prices are then reflected in the contract prices. It is almost as if the whole market moves in unison and is actually being driven by an apparent shortage of supply—speculation—which has created a market that malfunctions.

  Q54 Mr Clapham: And of course it is interesting to make a comparison with Europe.

  Mr Farrell: Oh, yes.

  Q55 Sir Robert Smith: Could I just clarify. You said from your information that in mainland Europe the relationship is with heavy oil. But we have been advised that actually it is with gas oil.

  Mr Nicholson: There is a mixture there. The information we have for the very large industrial consumers is that typically the weighting in the contract is either all, or heavily towards, heavy fuel oil. Sometimes it is in conjunction with gas oil, which, as I am sure you appreciate, tends to track crude oil prices much more strongly. I think there may be an element of gas that is on a crude index basis.

  Mr Robertson: We can provide more written evidence on that point. It is certainly the case that, for example, Hassuni in Holland used to price all its gas to large industrial consumers against low sulphur heavy fuel oil, so it was 100%. The price of low sulphur fuel has been relatively weak, very weak

  Q56 Sir Robert Smith: Because of all the environmental concerns?

  Mr Robertson: Possibly, yes, but also because of changes in consumption in other parts of the world. As a result of that, it is certainly the case that, as I understand it—though you would have to question them directly—Hassuni is striving to introduce a more balanced indexation for large users which is 50% gas oil, 50% low-sulphur heavy fuel oil. But most of the existing contracts, like Troll from Norway into a couple of countries and from Algeria, have more low sulphur heavy fuel oil in the indexation than gas oil to the best of our knowledge. As I say, we can provide the sources of that information.

  Q57 Sir Robert Smith: You were saying that it should be an open market, but is it not the reality that, if you had a really cold winter here, the Interconnector would be at full speed, and once it reaches peak capacity you no longer have a connecting market. You then have a supply and demand problem within a closed market for the UK. And if you had a one-in-30 winter, what would the spot price be?

  Mr Nicholson: That is an interesting question. I am not sure I could answer what the spike price would be, but it would plainly be a lot higher than we have been experiencing this winter. You are right that there are constraints on the Interconnector capacity, and I think it is important, from a physical point of view as well as a market point of view, that the Interconnector capacity is in the process of being upgraded. As I am sure you will appreciate, we have an asymmetry of flow capabilities in the Interconnector, so, if you like, we get the "advantage" of an increase in demand in the UK feeding through to the Continent during the summer and less of an `advantage' in terms of security of supply in the winter, and that is starting to change.

  Q58 Sir Robert Smith: Is that not, in a sense, because people have looked at these forward prices and said, "Hang on a minute, if there is an increase in the capacity there is a market there to be served," and so the forward prices have sent a signal to the market and the market is now responding.

  Mr Nicholson: You are certainly right that the market is responding in terms of investment, but of course a lot of that response actually occurred way before the massive price rises we saw last year, including, of course, work starting on the hugely important link from Norway.

  Q59 Sir Robert Smith: You have mentioned already the relationship with Europe and how you do not want to go down the road of government intervention. Regulators would argue—and maybe this is more for less intense users—that having had this open and wonderful market in this country in the good times, industry and commerce have done better than their competitors on mainland Europe. Is that a fair argument?

  Mr Nicholson: Yes, but there seems to be a disproportional impact going the opposite way. And that is exactly the problem. If we were all convinced, by the way, that European liberalisation was immediately round the corner and we would have instantly competitive prices and the questions of our medium- to long-term security of supply in gas were therefore answered as well, perhaps we could all live with it. It is not progressing according to plan. The most optimistic estimate suggests we are several years away from liberalisation and the sort of competitive impacts we are seeing for our members are not something that can be tolerated for that length of time. That is an optimistic scenario. A pessimistic scenario—some would say a realistic one—is that things are not moving to plan in electricity and they are even worse in gas. We feel as a matter of urgency that the DTI, whilst we support them all the way in pressing for liberalisation, should be considering a fallback position if, for whatever reason, that plan does not proceed according to expectations.


 
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