Select Committee on Trade and Industry Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40-59)

EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES COMMISSION

2 FEBRUARY 2005

  Q40 Linda Perham: Generally, you would not want to make it mandatory for employers to have to offer flexible or part-time work?

  Ms Slocock: We do not think it is workable.

  Q41 Linda Perham: The other thing I wanted to ask is that a significant proportion of women working part-time previously held highly skilled and responsible jobs, and you attributed this, largely, to limited opportunities for part-time work in such highly skilled jobs and a lack of support to women to retain their status (in paragraph 35 of your memorandum). However, is there any thinking that actually women might be choosing to do this—this kind of work/life balance position—and downsizing to make that a choice rather than something in which they were excluded from the workplace because there are not opportunities? Have you managed to find out what that balance is?

  Ms Wild: The research that we are referring to is a European Social Fund project, for which we are co-sponsors. The research report will be coming out in a couple of months' time, and we will be happy to send that to you. We are doing some further research as a back-up, to drill down beneath the findings of the initial project. What the initial project has found is that women are taking under-demanding work. When we say "under-demanding", that is their definition; they are saying that in previous jobs either they had more managerial responsibility or they were in a more technical role or something like that, in comparison to what they are doing as part-time working. The research has found four reasons: because of their child-caring responsibilities, because there are few or no opportunities for advancement in the workplace (perhaps, because they are, for example, in the home care sector or childcare sector where there are not yet clear career paths, particularly if you are in a part-time position); because they are in a period of transition (in other words, they recognise that they are working below their potential so they are taking on educational training to get themselves out of that) and, lastly, because they are seeking a better work/life balance. I suppose you could say, in that last category, it is a question of choice, but I think we have to ask ourselves what we actually mean by "choice". If you are a qualified teacher working in rural Shropshire and you want or need to work part-time but the only part-time post you can get is as a classroom assistant, are you really choosing that or is it the labour market conditions that are forcing it on you? It is to listen to that kind of question that we have commissioned an omnibus survey and we have the results and are currently analysing these, first of all, to give us a feel for the numbers of women in each of these categories and, also, a better feel for are they actually making a choice or is it something that the labour market structure is imposing on them? It feels, for most women, like it is actually a compromise between what they would really like to do and the hours. I think, for most women, they are choosing to work part-time; they are not choosing to work below their potential.

  Q42 Linda Perham: Just something general which occurred to me looking at your evidence, I am mindful that the European Union Directive on equality in employment is probably the only reason why the Government is taking action on age discrimination in employment, on which I tried to get a Bill through some years ago. Do you think there are any European Union initiatives which impact on this whole gender pay gap and occupational segregation coming on stream in the near future?

  Ms Wild: Interestingly I think the measures around consulting the workforce are, perhaps, the most effective. If we could mainstream gender into those discussions then we could get some changes within the workplace.

  Q43 Judy Mallaber: You mentioned classroom assistants, which has stimulated another question in my mind. I was at a meeting with 20 heads with my neighbouring MP last week when we were talking about remodelling the workforce agreement in schools, which is also looking at the potential role of classroom assistants, which made me wonder whether you have done any work at all on not getting just women into traditional male jobs but at the whole question of enhancing and giving greater value and looking at the skills within the jobs that women tend to be in at the moment.

  Ms Madden: That has not been the focus of our investigation into modern apprentices, but there are some very real issues here which we would like to do some further work on in future to look at what you might call the under-valuing of the work that women tend to do, and looking at ways in which you could build career paths which allow people to move from lower levels into higher levels. I believe that this is something that has actually been considered—the particular example you are talking about—by the Department for Education and Skills (they have a School Workforce Unit, I think it is called), and they are very much looking at the development of the whole sector and career routes, for example, through childminding and classroom assistants into teaching. A lot of those routes do not exist at the moment.

  Q44 Mr Clapham: Could we just look at the Equal Pay Act? There is a part in your submission that does, in fact, take us through the Equal Pay Act, and you do list its shortcomings. We have had the legislation since 1970 and made little headway. I say that because in 1983, in my previous job with the trade unions, I kicked off an equal pay claim for canteen workers and, believe it or not, 19 years after kicking that off it still had not been resolved and was only resolved by the Government intervening and deciding to settle the claim. It just seemed to me that, as we moved into that area of equal value, because you are looking at features of comparison, an employer can go on forever adding features, changing features and you never get to a resolution. What do we need to do to get legislation that is going to be meaningful in its application?

  Ms Slocock: Yes, I very much agree with you, the Equal Pay Act has been in place for 30 years and we still have a major pay gap. If you look at the part-time pay gap, the difference in earnings per hour for women working part-time and men working full-time it is 40%, which is the same as 30 years ago, so it has not had any impact on that. Obviously, there are shortcomings just in relation to trying to make the law work. So, in relation to equal pay for equal value, you have to have the same employer, which is not often the case. If you have local authorities you do have quite diverse employment and you can make comparisons, but in many other areas of work you cannot. It is a tool that (a) does not appear to have worked when you look at the broader picture and (b) when you think about it, it has its built-in limitations; it is focusing on pay discrimination, and the pay gap is caused by a range of things, of which pay discrimination is one. Other forms of discrimination are another. Today we have been launching a report which shows that 30,000 women a year are losing their job and being made redundant or feel they have to leave work because they are pregnant—30,000 women a year; a totally shocking figure. So there are other forms of discrimination as well, which lead to the pay gap. Occupational segregation is not just about the under-valuing of work that women do, which tends to be focused in very low paid areas. It is also about opening up access to new areas of work which involve higher pay, and lack of flexible working is a major influence both on occupational segregation because flexible working is not available, often, in these areas where women are not working, and also in rising up to higher levels and getting higher level work. These factors in relation to flexible working and occupational segregation—do not lend themselves to making it against the law. The reason being that you have to get employers to do it in practice; it has to work for them, it has to work with the grain of the business. So what we do need? I think the time is right for fresh thinking here. The Government has established the Women in Work Commission, involving a range of players, including the CBI and the TUC. Our Chair, Julie Mellor, is also on the Women in Work Commission. I think there is a need for the various parties to get together and have a deep look at where we are and what we can do about it. That Commission will be coming up with recommendations, I think, in October. The other thing which is happening, which, I think, is part of this picture (which means that it is a particularly good moment to be thinking about this) is that the Government is going to create a Commission for Equality on Human Rights, and that is probably going to happen in the next few years. We and many others are calling for a fundamental look at equalities legislation to see if we can make it work better. It is partly about consistency across the different strands but it is also about taking, almost, a kind of process engineering look at this. If you want to achieve these objectives of closing the pay gap, what is it that you really need to do in order to make it happen on the ground? I think that the model which we have under the existing Equal Pay Act and also the Sex Discrimination Act of relying on women to take individual cases to tribunals is just one that is flawed; it does not work. We know, for example, from our pregnancy research that less than half of women even go so far as to raise the issue with their employer because they are anxious they will lose their job if they do so and there may be other reasons as well. Only 2% go so far as to start proceedings towards an employment tribunal. So there are huge numbers not accessing justice; we found that half of pregnant women at work, in our survey, say they have experienced discrimination, and tiny, tiny proportions are taking that forward. When the cases go to employment tribunal I do not think that anyone feels that they have won; whoever wins, the solution is not there: the woman, normally, will not get her job back. We would like to move to something which is more proactive which encourages employers to think about how to achieve the objective of closing the pay gap. It is in their interest to do so because it is good for business as well as being good for the women. At this moment, we are still thinking about our options ourselves so we are not in a position to put forward a particular model to you.

  Q45 Mr Clapham: So, really, you are waiting on the Women in Work Commission coming up with some recommendations that you may be able to use?

  Ms Slocock: Yes. We will be putting our evidence into the Women in Work Commission and we are still considering ourselves what that evidence will be. We certainly do think it is important not just to have our own view on it but to have a view which is discussed with employers and trade unions as well, so that it is something that works for all the parties and has got ownership and will be taken forward to achieve real change.

  Q46 Mr Clapham: Are there any European models or models in other countries that are more helpful?

  Ms Slocock: There are different models. For example, I think in Canada, probably, and the Federal Government as well.

  Ms Wild: The two clearest examples are Ontario and Australia where they have much more prescriptive legislation for the role of employers in respect of equal pay. Basically, both say you have to carry out equal pay reviews. However, those labour markets are very different to the UK labour market; they are much more public-sector-dominated, and there is much more centralised collective bargaining—just an ethos where employers are used to doing as they are told, in a way that we do not have in the labour market here. Also, they do not have the substantial smaller business sector that we have here, and the presence of the small business sector introduces a great deal of variety into the labour market which we have to take into account, and it is one of the reasons why we need to think very carefully about what we need to recommend around equal pay.

  Chairman: As a Committee, we are going to Copenhagen on Monday to look at flexible labour markets and security of employment, which is a parallel inquiry we are conducting but, I am sure, we will stray into your area while we are there.

  Q47 Judy Mallaber: I certainly hope (to put a plug in here) that our Committee or a successor committee will want to look at the outcome of the Women in Work Commission. One of the areas, obviously, where you are trying to encourage action is trying to encourage employers to undertake pay reviews. Is there any evidence that they take helpful action or, indeed, any action at all as a result of doing the reviews?

  Ms Wild: The evidence is quite mixed. We first recommended that employers carry out equal pay reviews in 2001, so we have had four or five years' experience of it. We have carried out monitoring research every year since we made that recommendation, and we have just completed and will shortly be releasing the latest round of monitoring research. Monitoring research has been looking at the incidence of employers carrying out equal pay reviews—are they doing it, which sectors are doing it, and so on. There has been a slow and steady increase over the four years in the number of organisations doing it—predominantly in the public sector and predominantly larger organisations. This year we have also commissioned some case study research to find out, as you say, what they are actually doing. In addition to that, for the last three years, jointly with Opportunity Now, we have run an equal pay forum for employers who want to or intend to or have just carried out equal pay reviews. That gives organisations a confidential forum where they can come and talk about what they are doing. The forum particularly has been a useful driver to get organisations to do pay reviews. Where organisations do them well (in other words, they know what they are doing: they give it to the right people within the organisation; they give it to a team comprising their compensation and benefits people and their equality people) then they are very, very satisfied with the outcome, because an equal pay review is not just about looking for the equality issues and the pay gaps, it is a very useful way of smartening up your pay systems. As one leading businessman said: "Well, why wouldn't you want to know what you are paying people?" That, basically, is what it does. What we found is that the experience of doing pay reviews is a bit mixed. As I say, if people do them well then they may well find small pay gaps, of 5% or so, but some organisations have found larger pay gaps, up to 45%. It is then a case of starting to negotiate with your workforce how you actually change that, because to plug a 45% pay gap is quite a tall order. One of the shortcomings of the Equal Pay Act is that, in theory, once you have found a pay gap you have to plug it immediately. In practice, as anyone who has had any dealings with pay negotiations and pay systems knows, you cannot just change one person's pay, you have to align that with everybody else's, so it can take some time. Most organisations that have done equal pay reviews have found them useful, and we are encouraged by that.

  Q48 Linda Perham: What size of company would you expect to undertake pay reviews? Obviously not somebody only employing a few people.

  Ms Wild: It is actually much easier to do it if you have got only a few people. We have two versions of our equal pay review kit: we have the main one and then we produced a smaller employer kit which actually has a CD Rom in it. I have tried this myself and it takes two minutes per employee to work out if you have got a problem. We are aware of a few small employers who have done it. They are very enthusiastic about it. For example, one small company in Wales found that they had a man, as it happened, who was about to leave because when they did the pay review they found that for some reason they were paying him less than they thought they were paying him. When they went and raised that with him he said: "I am glad you have raised this because I was about to go." So this helps in terms of just servicing the issues you have in your pay system. These may not be gender issues (from our point of view we hope that they are gender issues); what organisations usually find is a mix of gender issues and other anomalies that they would be quite happy to get rid of. So for small businesses it is not that difficult. The area where it is difficult is where you have a medium-sized firm, say, with 200-300 employees and you probably do not have the HR expertise and you may not know where to start. Obviously, almost all of our guidance is aimed at that particular group. For big organisations, again, it is easy because they have got the people and they have got the know-how. It is the middle group, actually, that find it difficult.

  Q49 Chairman: One of the things we have been finding, looking at flexible labour markets, is that employers are forever wringing their hands about regulation, and all the rest of it. This is something which is available without regulation, without legislative requirement. Are you engaging with British Chambers of Commerce or the FSB and people like that? Are they interested in the message that you are evangelically marching around with?

  Ms Wild: Yes, we have had a lot of success. First of all, when we developed the equal pay review kit, which is our model process, we piloted it with 26 organisations of different sizes in different sectors across the country. When we had done that we went to the Better Regulation Taskforce and said "This is what we have done. What do you think of it?" They have endorsed it and said it is a marvellous alternative to regulation. Our primary vehicle for roll-out was through ACAS, which has a much wider regional network than we do and a lot of contact with employers. We trained all their advisers on how to do this. Yes, we have engaged with the small business associations and, so far as we are able to, with the CBI, who are not enthusiastic about equal pay reviews. However, we do not stop, as you say, evangelising on this, but not just evangelising, also answering people's queries and helping people to learn from each other because there is good practice building up not just in how to do equal pay reviews but there are some common problems. Almost every organisation that does an equal pay review will find it has got a starting pay problem; it is bringing women in at the bottom of the range and it is bringing men in at mid-point or top-point. How do you solve that? You can ask somebody else who has already done it.

  Ms Slocock: I guess we feel that we have made some good progress (we have given you the statistics in our evidence) but there is still a long way to go and most employers are not doing pay reviews. The progress is much better in the public sector, I think it is fair to say, than in the private sector. The Government has taken a lead by all civil service departments doing pay reviews, and we would like to see pay reviews right across the public sector, but it is the private sector as well where we need to make more progress. Also, a pay review should not just be looking at pay discrimination—important though that is—the ideal employer would be using it to tackle all three causes of the pay gap.

  Q50 Judy Mallaber: Is there an argument for looking at whether pay reviews should be mandatory?

  Ms Slocock: I think that is very much part of the fresh look that I was talking about earlier on, looking at the legislation. I think it is certainly something that needs to be considered as one of the options on the table. It may be that a broader approach than simply advocating one particular mechanism might be more effective—for example, something which is more focused on getting employers to close the pay gap and find the right tools themselves. They may not find this is the right tool for them but it needs further consideration. Whatever steps are taken needs very careful thought because it has got to work. We do not want to make the same mistakes as, arguably, were made 30 years ago in that we did something that was reasonably good but it was not good enough to do the job.

  Q51 Judy Mallaber: You mentioned pay reviews across government departments, and obviously the Government and public agencies are massive employers. How do you view the progress on those? It was ironic that ACAS itself turned out to have a problem when they started. How enthusiastically and competently do you think those reviews have been carried out within departments, and are there lessons to be learned from the progress they have or have not made?

  Ms Wild: Again, the picture is mixed. One of the best reports of an equal pay review (and from that I conclude that the exercise itself was very good) is from a public sector body in Scotland, but I have also seen some pretty dismal ones as well. An equal pay review is only as good as the people carrying it out, and if the expertise is there. If I can give you a public sector example: local government, where expertise is spread far too thin. All the structures are there, all the frameworks are in place and there is a new national pay agreement which says it will happen, but it is not happening, and I think it is not happening because the expertise to carry it out is not there. So that is a rather vague answer to a very big question. The picture is mixed.

  Q52 Judy Mallaber: The local government issue is very complex, I would suggest, with pay and equal pay claims being taken, and so on, as well. Moving on to the Government's procurement strategy, how do you think it could use that, and what should it be doing through its procurement strategy to discourage segregation?

  Ms Slocock: More, I think, is the answer. We would certainly like to see procurement used as a tool. It is a very powerful lever for change, potentially, and it has been raised both by our own advisory group to the Occupational Segregation Report—we put it in our recommendations—and it was also raised at a recent summit we had at No 11, chaired by the Chancellor. We had a number of speakers there and BT, for example, called for this, as did a number of other private sector organisations, from the floor. I think the Government is moving on race issues to give clear advice that race can be taken into account in contracts, and we would like to see it moving on gender in a similar way. There is already some basis for doing this, I think, in the best value requirements and ODPM guidance which actually do allow (and we put this in our evidence) for equal opportunities to be taken into account, but the Government is not actively pushing this at the moment, and we would like to see it pushed because we think that if through contracts employers were encouraged to look at occupational segregation we could have quite a lot of impact.

  Q53 Judy Mallaber: Would there be an argument for making it more clearly a requirement, in terms of whether people got contracts or not?

  Ms Slocock: It cannot be an absolute requirement, I am advised, but it can be a consideration. That is what we are looking for. It cannot be the determining factor but it should be a consideration in the awarding of those contracts. That is what we would like to see.

  Q54 Judy Mallaber: So how would you suggest that that should work out in practice? What are the mechanisms, the tools?

  Ms Wild: We are just in the process of consulting on some draft guidance for the local authority sector on this because of the concept of best value which allows workforce considerations to be taken into account when considering contracts. We believe it is possible to move forward on this, so we have put together some guidance. That looks at the whole process, from the going out to tender to considering those tenders, to selecting and then your relationship with that contractor once you have awarded the contract. We think it is possible to build in gender equality considerations throughout the whole process. It is very clear guidance is needed because, as you will know, procurement is governed by European regulations, so it is important that the principle of competitiveness is not impeded. So, as Caroline has said, it cannot be a deciding factor but it is something that can be taken into account. We think that with good guidance and strong leadership procurement could be a very effective mechanism for promoting gender equality.

  Q55 Judy Mallaber: Have you any idea how that could work? Some of us, on this Committee, in our constituencies come up against difficulties on public procurement, in trying to get, in our case, contracts awarded to UK companies, let alone tackling this even more difficult issue of persuading them to go down the issue of looking at equalities as well.

  Ms Wild: I think it is the leadership that is required. We think, on a practical basis, it can be done in certain circumstances, and that is why we have produced the guidance, but the guidance will not be worth the paper it is written on unless that enabling leadership is there which says: "We want this to happen." There are some good examples around race of it having happened, so it can do, but it is quite difficult to make it happen when there is not the leadership and the will that it should happen from above.

  Q56 Judy Mallaber: On issues like this, what would be the impact of a duty on public bodies to promote gender equality?

  Ms Wild: The cleanest and quickest way of doing it is to have a public sector duty on gender, and then gender equality would be on a par with race equality, and the situation would be clearer. The race duty means that across the board the race dimension can be taken into account. The position, at the moment, with gender equality is that you can only do it in relation to the NHS and local government, where the concept of best value applies, which is one of the causes of confusion because people think: "Can I do this or can't I?" So a public sector duty would make it very much clearer. What we are doing is we are pushing ahead in two directions: yes, we would like the public sector duty which would make it very clear that you could use procurement, but, in the meantime, can we get on and apply best value in such a way that it encourages contractors to promote gender equality?

  Ms Slocock: I think it is fair to say that the Government could decide to promote it more generally, it does not need a public sector duty to require it to promote it more generally; it could decide to do that as active leadership, if it wished, but once the public duty is in place then there is much more of an understanding that it should do that.

  Q57 Judy Mallaber: Finally, just to come back to an area that we touched on earlier, when you were talking about the rules for apprenticeship programmes, obviously another big area of government intervention is around employment programmes, training programmes, etc. I was just interested in whether you have any particular views on the way in which some of those programmes are working—for example, New Deal programmes and the rules around that and the practice around those programmes; whether there are any suggestions for improvements in those areas or changes that are needed?

  Ms Madden: We have not actually, as part of the investigation, looked at New Deal. I think what people have told us is that some of the programmes are not actually enabling them to access on traditional work—it is not helping, in a sense. However, in terms of the way in which the particular regulations play against each other, I do not think we have actually done the research on that. We are hoping to move into this area and do some research next looking at the sort of routes into work, re-entry routes, new types of training, that might actually help women to access a wider range of work, and throughout their lives as well as at an early age. I think it is quite clear from the women we have talked to, though, that they do not see that there are particular training routes in place that can help them; they do not see that schemes, at the moment, are actually enabling them to access these opportunities. So I do think it is important that we do take a fresh look at training opportunities. I know that we did have a discussion with the DfES about the skills passport, for example, that they are developing and I think this is a very interesting area where you actually try and unpick the skills that are needed for particular types of employment in different ways, new ways, and you also look at the skills that people bring when they come into the workforce—for example, with women they will have a whole range of skills which they have acquired through unpaid work in the home—and try and better match what people are offering with what skills are really needed in the workplace. That is a very new way of looking at access routes and access, but I do think that is an important way forward because, at the moment, it is very traditional; it is about what the woman brings as a woman rather than what the job requires and the broader range of skills that she has.

  Q58 Judy Mallaber: A previous Select Committee I was on visited America and they had one very imaginative programme we saw where they were taking what employers needed in the banking industry and actually then looking at the skills of women on welfare and trying to match those to the banking industry. Those projects have been around but you do not see particular evidence of some of those positive examples and practices.

  Ms Madden: There is one particular scheme, Ambition Energy, which is a scheme for lone parents championed by Centrica, where they actually trained lone parents to become gas fitters, and that was seen to be a very positive scheme. It worked for everybody. The point is that actually it is a fairly small-scale scheme, and what we would like to see is more of that kind of thing happening.

  Q59 Chairman: Thank you very much. Good luck in your endeavours with the kind of Guardian-reading agenda that you seem to be advancing, which many of us have sympathy with but which tends to fall into second place behind the Daily Mail-reading Cabinet Ministers that we sometimes have to try and persuade of the deservability of social progress. We will be in touch with you because there are probably loose ends we will want to tie up, or there are tantalising questions we did not ask that we think we should have done, but thank you very much for your evidence.

  Ms Slocock: Thank you.





 
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