Select Committee on Treasury Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 180-199)

MR JON CUNLIFFE, MR JONATHAN STEPHENS, MR NICK HOLGATE, MR DAVE RAMSDEN AND MR CHRIS MARTIN

14 DECEMBER 2004

  Q180 Mr Mudie: You were introducing reforms to encourage the levelling of spending. Can you give us two or three examples and tell us how they have worked?

  Mr Stephens: Those reforms involve long-term spending plans, greater certainty over the long term to enable better planning of expenditure, the move to resource accounting and budgeting and the production of 100% end-year flexibility so that departments and others are able to carry over any unspent budget from one year to the next.

  Q181 Mr Mudie: The House of Commons Scrutiny Unit estimates that the remaining stock of end-year flexibility amounts to £9 billion. There is some worry that if the departments had spent that in the last two years it would have an adverse effect on you meeting the golden rule. Would you care to comment?

  Mr Stephens: The figure I have is about £8.8 billion, just very slightly less. That stock has risen in a number of successive years. It rose by £1.9 billion last year, £0.5 of a billion the year before and £2.2 billion the year before that. From the introduction of end-year flexibility we see a pattern of continual increases. You would expect, having introduced end-year flexibility, that departments will want to operate with a certain level of stock in order to maximise their flexibility and freedom over the operation of their budget. I think the prospect of the £8.8 billion being drawn down in totality is remote and indeed the pattern over the past five years has been of the stock building up.

  Q182 Mr Mudie: So you are not tempted to cap it, to level it in any way, because if you are building up to almost £9 billion, it is a fair bit of uncertainty being pushed forward and putting you at the mercy of spending departments. Do you not have any unease about that?

  Mr Stephens: There are clear advantages, in terms of the management and delivery of public services, in giving departments the freedom within budgetary controls to re-profile spending from one year to another to get away from the analysed cycle, the end year surges which we all know did not lead to generally good value for money spending. This is a matter of balancing the clear advantages in terms of good management of public services and the delivery of public services with the sort of issues that you highlight. This is something that we keep under regular review. We are watching as the stock rises. We will keep that under review. One also has, of course, to consider the incentive effects on departments.

  Q183 Mr Mudie: I accept that.

  Mr Stephens: What one has to consider with a cap is whether departments spend up to that cap.

  Q184 Mr Mudie: It is a question of balances. If departments have got £9 billion of money that they are carrying forward, does anyone at any stage in the exercise look at what is being carried forward? It can be very, very important if they are carrying that amount forward. I would be tempted to have a look at it to see what was genuinely sensible and what is just money that is floating about in the department looking for a reason to be spent.

  Mr Stephens: We do keep it under close monitoring. We publish the available totals.

  Q185 Mr Mudie: Do you ever take any back?

  Mr Stephens: Yes, we do. It is a factor that can be taken into account in spending reviews and has been taken into account in spending reviews. It is also a factor that can be taken into account when, for example, a department comes with a reserve claim or a new item of spending which otherwise they might look for more central funding for and we quite frequently examine the state of end-year flexibility to  see whether they can absorb it within their flexibilities.

  Q186 Mr Mudie: I would be happy with that answer if you indicated in the spending review document that this £9 billion was in some way affected by the spending review that had come down to £7 billion or £5 billion because you had taken stuff out and put it back in a different way. Is there any way a Public Accounts Committee or a Treasury Committee could pick that up because otherwise that could just be words you are using?

  Mr Stephens: We do publish annually the available stock of end-year flexibility by departments, so one can see the changes in the stock.

  Q187 Mr Mudie: Where do you publish that?

  Mr Stephens: In the outturn White Paper. There are different ways in which we can take this into account in the spending review. One does not only have to reduce the EYF stock, one can reduce the allocations to the department.

  Q188 Mr Mudie: Let us go back to forecasting investment levels by government departments. In the Pre-Budget Report 2002-03 you were going for a 30% increase in investment, in the Budget this year it was down to 17 and in the Pre-Budget it was down to 15. What on earth is happening? You have come from 30% down to 15%. What is happening with these departments?

  Mr Stephens: I think you are talking about investment in 2003-04 and it is worth pointing out that we are still looking at a 21% increase in overall public net investment.

  Q189 Mr Mudie: You were looking at over 30%.

  Mr Stephens: That is quite correct. Our forecast over public sector net investment has come down by about £2.5 billion overall. Most of that is actually lower investment outside of Central Government by public corporations and local authorities.

  Q190 Mr Mudie: I am not sure about that. I would like you to give us the figures because when I look at the amount of capital expenditure in the book I would be surprised if they could have that effect by pulling back their spending, but I am happy to get figures from you on that. In the Budget book, when we come to this stage in the proceedings, you then go on to outline the state of play of the PFI finances, but this is noticeably lacking in the Pre-Budget report book. Is there a reason for that?

  Mr Stephens: I do not think so. There is some reference to the mix of how investment is made up.   In chapter 6 there is a chart, 6.1, and an accompanying paragraph, paragraph 6.3.

  Q191 Mr Mudie: I looked at the Budget book and it is spelt out "signed deals", "deals in negotiation" etcetera, in a fairly extensively way, but that is noticeably lacking in the Pre-Budget Report. Why do you take the PFI out of the Pre-Budget Report?

  Mr Stephens: We have not covered that sort of detail before in the Pre-Budget Report. With investment, I am not sure that looking at it on a six monthly and twice a year basis will tell one an awful lot more, but we are committed to publishing that sort of information regularly.

  Q192 Mr Mudie: How much compared to the capital budget is PFI?

  Mr Stephens: PFI is a relatively small proportion of the overall sum, about 10% or so.

  Q193 Mr Mudie: It is no great hardship to include the same figures in the Pre-Budget Report because it lets us know where you are. When you put something in the book I always think it matters, there is a reason for it. There is reference on two occasions to the NHS trusts moving from public corporations to government expenditure. When I look at the expenditure tables I do not see any violent changes to suggest that matters. What is the expenditure of the trusts, approximately?

  Mr Stephens: I do not know the expenditure of the trusts offhand. I can write to let you know that.[2]

  Mr Cunliffe: The offset to expenditure will come in under the Department of Health. So when they were classified outside the public sector, they were payments from the Department of Health to trusts. Now they are classified inside. It is about the taxable income. So the taxable income of the trusts has gone but, on the other hand, that amount of the payment to the trusts for the Department of Health who has to pay the tax has also gone.

  Mr Stephens: Paragraph B68 suggests that this change has reduced both current expenditure and receipts by about £1.5 billion.

  Q194 Mr Mudie: It suggests it balances out. Therefore, if I am looking for National Health Service expenditure, do I look in the Department of Health and the NHS?

  Mr Stephens: Yes.

  Q195 Angela Eagle: Why are local authorities so bad at spending the allocations that have been given to them in this period of expanding public service investment? What I am trying to find out is, is it rules that you have put into place and hoops they have to jump through that are holding them up or is it just that they have got out of the habit of investing very much and they are just not used to it?

  Mr Stephens: This is a matter for local authorities; we do not control that directly. Investment is expanding very significantly as a matter of conscious policy decision and investment by local authorities along with other elements of Central Government public corporations is still expanding significantly. In the context of achieving the sort of expansion that the Government is committed to we do also want to ensure that the quality of investment and the quality of investment decisions is maintained as well as the quantity, and if indeed people are taking a bit longer to be sure of the quality of decisions but still planning to invest in due course we would not object to that.

  Q196 Angela Eagle: Is this what the end-year flexibility changes are about, and do they apply to local authorities?

  Mr Stephens: Local authorities do have flexibility to re-profile their spending and we are increasing their  flexibility with proposals to delegate three year  budgets reflecting the three year spending settlements on which I believe the ODPM will be consulting shortly.

  Q197 Angela Eagle: How are you getting on with measuring the effectiveness of public service investment and output because clearly it is very difficult to define and some of our definitions of this are very, very out-of-date and even paradoxical in their effect?

  Mr Stephens: This is an issue, as you know, where Len Cooke, the national statistician, set up the Atkinson review for exactly that purpose. They published an interim report in the summer, I think they are planning to publish a final report in due course early next year and that has resulted already in some significant improvements in the coverage and quality of data, for example, in respect of health outputs. I think the Atkinson interim report points up in a number of other areas, including in education, in criminal justice, a significant programme of work going forward for the statisticians to improve the coverage and quality of data. I think it is worth noting that there are significant problems in measuring some elements of public sector output, problems that are well recognised and faced internationally, and even with the conclusion of the programme of work set out in the Atkinson report there will be significant areas of   public sector output which are not covered and,   indeed, some significant objectives of the Government and outcomes which the Government seeks to achieve in terms of the distribution of public expenditure and in terms of improvements in the quality of public services that are inherently very difficult indeed to measure.

  Q198 Angela Eagle: I want to take you on to the labour market. There is some puzzlement in the MPC and at the Bank of England as to why average earnings are not growing faster given that we have what, in previous eras, would have been defined as quite a tight labour market with very high levels of participation and an extra two million jobs. Does anyone have a view on what is actually going on?

  Mr Cunliffe: Lots of people have views on what might be going on. With all these things, you will not know until some time after it has finished what has been happening. I think there are a number of elements here. When you say we have a very tight labour market, I am not sure I would agree with that. We have more people in employment than we have ever had before, but that is partly to do with the demographics and it is because we have less people in unemployment. If you look at recruitment surveys, some show a tight labour market, some show there is some slack there and the picture is quite difficult to read as to whether the labour market is tight or not. There could be a number of reasons why the labour market can operate at this level and not see an increase in average earnings. One might be that there is some slack there. A lot of people have drawn attention to immigration and particularly immigration from the accession countries of the EU, where people can come in now and work as a way of relieving supply side constraints in the economy and there probably is something in that. The workforce coming in in that way has actually increased the supply side potential and that has kept average earnings down. Some of it might be to do with just the greater perception of external competitive pressure and the need to compete and compete internationally is more clear now with all the attention there has been on outsourcing and off-shoring and the like and that is holding it down. It could be that the part-time labour force, which is linked to the point about immigration, is influencing the NAIRU, the rate of unemployment at which inflation is stabilised.

  Q199 Angela Eagle: It is the last remaining pillar of monetarism really that!

  Mr Cunliffe: It is a concept which I think is intuitive that there are levels of unemployment where the market is very tight which cause wage inflation and then price inflation to accelerate, but that level has dropped and my own view is that it is probably a combination of all those things.


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