Select Committee on Treasury Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 240-259)

22 MARCH 2005

RT HON GORDON BROWN MP, MR JON CUNLIFFE, MR MIKE ELLAM, MR DAVE RAMSDEN, MS SARAH MULLEN AND MR JOHN KINGMAN

  Q240 Norman Lamb: But planning for the next cycle—

  Mr Brown: Hold on. The International Monetary Fund, which you quoted liberally, actually says in its March 2005 report in its conclusions that, "fiscal and monetary policy frameworks", that is, in the United Kingdom, "remain at the forefront of international best practice". The idea that there is something wrong with our fiscal framework is not proven either by your question or by the report of the International Monetary Fund.

  Q241 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Can I take you back, Chancellor, for a moment to the Stability and Growth Pact mark II which you severely criticised. You indicated that although the most severe penalties would not apply to non-eurozone countries like us, they will apply of course to the eurozone itself. Therefore, surely this has created a new roadblock to British entry to the euro?

  Mr Brown: It is not in the Treaty nor is it going to be in any regulation. It is guidance that is put forward by the Commission and accepted by the Council of Ministers, but I think, as you will find today when the document is published, that it is not as rigid in its implementation as you might imagine because they are looking at factors that have got to be taken into account even after that medium-term objective is said not to be met, so there is more flexibility than I think your question suggests. The important point, however, I wanted to stress to you as a committee is that because we have this investment programme that is 2.25% of GDP, I would have had to change our current balance budget rule ensuring that we had a current surplus in the next economic cycle if I were to meet the terms of that, and that is why it seemed to me right that we should be outside the requirement and that it would be a requirement simply for members of the euro or the ERM.

  Q242 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: The proposals as published still provide for penalties, so they will apply fiscal penalties to countries breaking the rule and that is fairly clear from the public document. These will apply to countries that join and that would be the position of the United Kingdom, so will you be adding a sixth economic test to your existing five ones to get round the misgivings which you have outlined?

  Mr Brown: I am rightly advised that there are no fiscal penalties in relation to the -1%.

  Q243 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I did not say the 1%. You mentioned the 1%. I am talking about the—

  Mr Brown: Are you talking about the 3% deficit? That has always been the case. It is not changing.

  Q244 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I am talking about the rules that you criticised earlier on this morning when you were saying how you could not accept it.

  Mr Brown: Yes, but they do not have fiscal penalties associated with them, as you suggested. The -1% is a medium-term objective that would lead to the Council stating an opinion rather than there being fiscal penalties. The fiscal penalties arise only in respect of the 3% deficit once the Council, on the recommendation of the Commission, have decided that this has not been dealt with properly.

  Q245 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: So you believe that the United Kingdom could join the eurozone and then ignore the guidelines in this matter?

  Mr Brown: What I am actually saying is that the Stability and Growth Pact is an evolving document. I believe that they have started a process of change this week. I do not know what the final conclusions of this meeting will be today and tomorrow because obviously the Heads of Government will look at this document and may make some changes in it. My own view is that as the intellectual argument moves in favour both of our investment ideas and our suggestion that debt be taken into account as well as the economic cycle, I think that the Stability and Growth Pact will change in future years.

  Q246 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: So let's be clear, that if the Council do confirm the rules as published in this paper, it will make no difference to the principal decision by the Government to join the euro?

  Mr Brown: It is not a requirement for euro entry. There is no change in the requirements of the Treaty about euro entry, and the requirements in the Treaty are 60% debt levels and a 3% annual deficit. There is no change in these requirements and there is no new regulation about this -1% coming. What I wanted to ensure, however, was that our investment programme that we believe is the right thing for Britain was not said to be the wrong thing for Britain as a result of that set of recommendations, but it has no constitutional bearing on our ability to enter the euro.

  Q247 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: But if these new rules are to have any meaning at all, they must apply to countries that join and unless you are to completely disregard them, they must, therefore, affect the decision for Britain to join?

  Mr Brown: But there are no fiscal penalties associated with them, so you are absolutely clear about that, and my own view is that the Stability and Growth Pact is an evolving pact and, therefore, it will change in the years to come.

  Q248 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: So it is just a collection of suggestions which you have blatantly ignored?

  Mr Brown: No, it will be applied to the existing members of the euro currently as things stand, although there will be no fiscal penalties associated with the new decision.

  Q249 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: So it makes no difference at all to your decision to join?

  Mr Brown: There is no constitutional impediment.

  Q250 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I did not say "constitutional impediment"; I am talking about your attitude.

  Mr Brown: Our decision about joining the euro is based on our five tests and these are the five tests that would be assessed again if we made a decision in a future Budget that that assessment should take place, and it is these five tests that would have to be looked at in the context of all the changes that have taken place in Europe over the years, and I could not give you a conclusion on the basis of that, but that would be for that assessment either to recommend or not recommend.

  Q251 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: But your five tests were drawn up more than five years ago before these issues arose, so why should you not put a sixth test in to take account of the various misgivings that you have just expressed?

  Mr Brown: I think the ability to converge and to do so on a sustainable basis is actually one of the major tests that is part of the five-test process. It includes flexibility of course and it includes employment and what happens to the financial services, but to have a sustainable convergence test and to make that a central part of any further review would include this issue itself.

  Q252 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Well, having established the sort of optional suggestions, if of no real significance, can I ask you about what must be a more worrying development in the European Union which is the undermining of our tax base by a series of European Court of Justice decisions which are affecting our tax revenues. We are advised that very, very large sums of money are potentially at stake here. Do you take that into account in your projections for next year's revenue which are due to rise, according to your Budget documents, by over 8%?

  Mr Brown: Yes, we take all things into account. The UK would defend vigorously any challenges to UK tax law that UK courts refer to the European Court of Justice and we will take whatever action is necessary to remove uncertainty produced by ECJ decisions. If you remember, in April 2004, I enacted a number of changes to the corporation tax laws that protected the vast majority of businesses from unnecessary compliance costs in so doing in the wake of that decision of the ECJ in the case of Langhorst, and that was concerning Germany's rules on capitalisation. We have taken action and we will continue to look at this matter very seriously. I think that the figures on corporate tax revenues stand up on all accounts, and I am quite happy to debate these with you now.

  Q253 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: You mentioned earlier that you wanted the Stability and Growth Pact to be intergovernmental and not part of a federal tax policy, but these European Court decisions are based on Single Market considerations and powers and are having an effect and they are attacking your ability to set an autonomous tax policy here. Does that worry you and why do you not use the opportunity of the drafting of the European Constitution to revise and restrict those powers?

  Mr Brown: Well, we have done what we can and continue to do what we can to defend the UK tax base in relation to these judgments. It is legitimate to say that the Single Market is an objective of all of us and I think it is an objective of your Party as well and, therefore, people that are using artificial barriers to prevent the Single Market operating have got to be dealt with, but where it affects our tax base, we have been vigorous in defending the UK. I think I say in the Budget documents very clearly that, "the Government is determined to defend the corporation tax system robustly against challenges under European law", and that is on page 125, paragraph 5.111. Then we list the steps we have taken, showing that the Government will act where necessary to remove uncertainties created by the decisions and to ensure that revenues are secured. If I may say so, this is something that we hold in common with other members of the European Union who also want to defend their tax base in relation to these decisions.

  Q254 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Why was the opportunity not taken to restrict single market powers to removing barriers to trade, rather than using them to undermine national tax policy? Why did you not use that opportunity when the European constitution was negotiated?

  Mr Brown: Our point is where the single market is affected by people creating artificial barriers there is the right to act in that respect; but we are vigorous in defending our tax independence in relation to these issues.

  Q255 Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Can I ask you about the overall tax take. There was some confusion between ourselves and your officials yesterday about the advice we have received that—leaving aside the North Sea oil revenues which are distorting historically—the rest of your tax take (including National Insurance contributions) as a percentage of GDP is heading for a record. In the words of one of our witnesses, "We are therefore into uncharted waters". You have made great play today again about your need to boost international research and development and attract international investment and capital. How can you be sure you are going to go on doing that if we are increasing our tax take at the same time when a number of other countries, particularly outside the European Union, are reducing it?

  Mr Brown: This does not seem to me to accord with what has actually happened in practice. There are years when our tax take, both including the North Sea and not including the North Sea, has been very high as a percentage of GDP indeed. These are not the highest years and the years ahead are not the highest years, as I understand it. I think as far as our forecasting of corporate tax receipts is concerned, anybody who has been following what has been happening in the company sector over the last few months will know that our five largest oil companies show total global profits increased by just over 40%. They will show that seven of the largest UK retail banks showed a weighted average global profit of 17%; and show that a sample of 40 FT 100 non-financial groups had a weighted average global profit of more than 23%. The idea that our companies that are paying corporation tax are not profitable, and therefore that our receipts are not likely to be higher, is completely false. It is totally in line with both the recovery of the growth of the economy and the recovery of the growth of profits in the economy that our Corporation Tax increase is going to be substantial. I find it difficult, when these figures are examined, to sustain the thesis some people are trying to put that there will be no substantial increase in Corporation Tax revenues. It is what happened in every economic cycle; happened actually in a more acute and accentuated way in other economic cycles; and it is going to happen in this economic cycle.

  Q256 Mr Fallon: Just looking at C9 on page 254, you see the total there and you see net taxes and National Insurance Contributions jumping from 35.6% last year to 38.5% in five years' time. How many more billions of extra tax is that?

  Mr Brown: These are simply the projections that are made on the basis of the rising level of growth in the economy, and the rising number of taxpayers as a result of rising employment. If I may say so, the last Conservative Government before the Election in 1997 presented almost exactly the same figures as us, showing almost exactly the same rise in the percentage take of tax. That is normal for any government reporting when there is a projection of higher economic growth and a higher number of taxpayers. If you would like me to read out the figures for your government they are roughly the same plateau.

  Q257 Mr Fallon: Thank you, but you are here to answer questions about your Government.

  Mr Brown: I am explaining, Mr Fallon, that it happens under every government.

  Q258 Mr Fallon: Under your Government, how many billions is this?

  Mr Brown: If that figure was not rising it would assume there would be no economic growth. If that figure was not rising it would assume there was to be higher unemployment. If that figure was not rising it would assume companies were not going to be profitable. I think it is a good thing for the British economy but—because we have extra growth in the economy; and because we have more people in work; and because we have businesses that are profitable—that figure (as has happened in every previous government's projection about future years where they expect there to be growth) is rising. The projections are exactly the same as happened under your government—in fact almost identical when they moved from 36.3% to 38.5%.

  Q259 Mr Fallon: You are refusing to tell me how many billions of extra tax that is. If the economy is slowing towards a trend growth, how can we be sure that the big increases you are factoring in, in personal taxes (and I think your total of Income Tax and National Insurance would go up from 17.1% to 18.7%) will not be delivered by higher rates of tax rather than higher volumes?

  Mr Brown: The reason you can be sure that these figures are based on the Income Tax rate remaining the same is that the number of tax payers has actually grown as a result of employment growing from something like 26 million to 29.9 million. The reason there is more tax revenue is not that people are paying a higher rate; the reason is that more people are in work and, therefore, generating more income. One of the additional reasons is that there are more people earning higher salaries as a result of the expansion of the economy. As I said in my Budget Statement, the numbers of people earning more than £30,000 have doubled in the last eight years; the numbers of people earning over £50,000 have doubled, and the numbers of people earning over £100,000 have doubled. It is hardly surprising that, on the basis of the same rate of taxation (in fact the Income Tax rate fell from 23% to 22%—as you probably know we cut the basic rate of Income Tax) it is still possible to generate additional revenues because more people are working and more people are earning more. If I may say so, in future years because of the recovery of profits more people are earning quite substantial bonuses, which affect in quite a substantial way the revenue figures as well. There are at least three factors—more people earning; more people earning more; and more people earning bonuses—which explains the rise in Income Tax revenues.


 
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