Select Committee on Work and Pensions Third Report


9 Women and Pensions

174. Women's earnings and employment patterns in the past mean they are less likely to have their own State Pension entitlement, less likely to have savings and more likely to be in poverty.[383] Women's greater longevity contributes to the fact that about three quarters of single pensioners are women, and single pensioners are also likely to be the most deprived. The Government's priority was to focus resources on the poorest pensioners.[384] Pension Credit, and its predecessor, the Minimum Income Guarantee, were the mechanisms for doing this. Half of those eligible for Pension Credit are single women and, when partners are included, almost two-thirds of those benefiting from Pension Credit are women.[385]

175. The Pensions Commission found that while Pension Credit had been more effective than previous policies in offsetting the impact of factors contributing to female pensioner poverty, 'the unavoidable consequence is that women's pension income from the state includes a larger means-tested element.'[386] The Committee decided to take evidence on the factors contributing to relatively low incomes in retirement for women and to explore some of the options for reform.

The reasons for women's low income in retirement

176. According to the Equal Opportunities Commission, the median income of women in retirement is just over half (57%) that of men.[387] Katherine Rake of the Fawcett Society identified four key factors contributing to this:[388]

  • Women tend to be paid less during their working lives, meaning they are excluded from the pensions system overall or are unable to make additional contributions to occupational and personal pension saving.
  • They are more likely to take time out of the labour market for caring responsibilities.
  • Although some women (typically those working full-time and in the public sector) have good occupational pension provision, many women work part-time and, particularly when employed in the private sector, tend to be in occupations with poor coverage of occupational and personal pensions within part-time employment.
  • The state pension system is founded on two underlying, outdated principles: that couples divide between a male breadwinner and female carer and that couples will be in a lifelong marriage.

Another factor is that, when most of today's pensioners were employed, many occupational pension schemes excluded part-time workers.

177. The position is changing over time, however. The Pensions Commission identified several factors changing in women's relative favour. These include favourable labour market trends, trends in pension accrual (in both state and private systems) and increasing numbers of women in occupational pension schemes. Taken together, the Pensions Commission found that these trends are likely over the next 30 years to lead to a narrowing of the gender gap in pensioner incomes. However, 'this does not mean that the position of future women's pensions will be adequate, since the male position to which women are converging is itself getting worse.'[389] Adair Turner, Chair of the Pensions Commission, commented that 'we are probably seeing an increasing divergence between the position of different groups of men and women.'[390] The Fawcett Society agreed that increasing inequality was likely, with groups of women, such as lone parents and black and minority ethnic women being left behind.[391] The Committee recommends that the Government produces projections of the trends of women's pensions in the future, reflecting the varied position of women in different circumstances, for example, according to marital status, age and ethnic group.

Women and the state pension system

178. The Secretary of State for Work and Pensions told the Committee that 'women's pensions are, in a sense, a national scandal in the sense that only 50% of women get the full basic state pension. In their own right I believe only 17% of women get a full basic pension, i.e. from their own work, and yet we have a situation where we expect women to be carers so often and we have an employment market that has changed to an enormous degree since Beveridge.'[392] The Pensions Commission estimates that 69% of women aged 65-69 who receive the Basic State Pension (BSP) receive less than the full amount (compared with 15% of men). 40% of women who receive BSP based on their own contributions are entitled to less than 75%.[393]

179. The problem is that entitlement to full BSP depends on having paid, or been credited with, contributions in the requisite number of years, usually 39 for a woman. While the system contains mechanisms to compensate those who have taken time out of the labour market, for example, due to caring responsibilities, these are only partially successful. As the Pensions Commission points out, there are several 'cliff-edge' features which 'mean that women who fall below particular earnings levels or who have a small number of years in employment not only accrue less pension benefits, but disproportionately less.'[394] The 'cliff-edges' identified by witnesses to the inquiry included the following:

  • In order to receive any BSP, a person must have paid or been credited with contributions in at least 25% of the requisite number of years.[395] For a woman, this usually means at least 10 years of their working life.
  • The way in which Home Responsibilities Protection (HRP)[396] operates means it only partially compensates for time out of the labour market. For example, it does not, in itself, help to accrue contributions, rather, it reduces the number of years for which a person would otherwise have to satisfy contribution conditions.[397] Furthermore, it works on whole years and therefore does not cover partial years of caring. Someone caring for a disabled person is only covered if they provide care for 35 hours a week or more.[398]
  • The mechanisms to compensate for caring in the State Second Pension (S2P) scheme are more limited than those for BSP (for example, a person taking time out of the labour market to care for a child is only covered if the child is under 6, rather than 16 as is the case for HRP).[399]
  • A person earning below the Lower Earnings Limit (£82 pounds a week in 2005/06)[400] in any one job does not accrue state pension rights even if they earn more than the Lower Earnings Limit overall. (However, those on Working Tax Credit are credited with contributions).[401]

180. We took no evidence on the thorny issue of the 'Married Women's Stamp'.

181. Women's increased participation in the labour market, together with policy measures (such as HRP) which were introduced to help better compensate women for caring means the situation is changing for women who will be pensioners in the future. [402] The Pensions Commission found that 'women below the age of 40 are now as likely to be accruing BSP rights as men, and more likely to be accruing S2P rights'.[403] However, it will be at least 25 years before these women are pensioners. Moreover, the system as it is does not provide full compensation for caring. The Pensions Commission considered that addressing the 'cliff-edges' in the state system 'would have an impact on the adequacy of pensions for lower paid women that could not be achieved by any change in policy towards private pensions which the Commission might recommend.'[404]

182. Two different approaches are taken as to how these issues should be addressed. The first is to argue that the 'contributory' principle should be retained, but needs to be made more inclusive by recognising a broad base of contributions including paid work and unpaid care work.[405] The other is to argue that the current system should be replaced by a universal or 'citizens' pension, with entitlement based on residence. Key questions to consider in weighing up the options include whether the principle of contributing to a pension is an important one to retain because it relates back, as the Minister put it, 'to citizenship and rights and duties';[406] and whether replacing this with a new test, such as 'residency' would create new difficulties; and whether adjustments to the current system to make it more inclusive are practicable and would feed through in a reasonable timescale.

183. Both the Fawcett Society and Age Concern argue that there are high levels of attachment to the contributory system.[407] The Fawcett Society argues that some changes to make the current system more inclusive could be made retrospectively, such as removing the '10-year rule'[408] and using child benefit records (and some form of self-declaration for periods prior to 1978) to backdate home responsibilities protection. DWP has said that it is 'looking at a number of options which could help those with incomplete NI records'. In examining options, it is taking account of 'affordability and complexity' and impacts on other aspects of social security benefits and the wider economy. [409]

184. Those supporting the introduction of a universal or citizen's pension - such as the Pensions Policy Institute and the Equal Opportunities Commission[410] - do so on the basis that adjustments to the current system would be overly complex and in any case result in a less inclusive system. Alison O'Connell of the Pensions Policy Institute (PPI) said the result would be that the 'complexity increases, the amount of record keeping increases, and inevitably it would only reduce the potential for women to be disadvantaged, not eradicate it.'[411] She also thought it was difficult to see how it could be retrospective and considered a citizen's pension, based on residency, to be a more pragmatic way to create an inclusive system.[412] She argued that a citizen's pension of £105 a week[413] would 'almost eradicate' the 'guarantee credit means-test', although there would still be a residual 2-3% and the need for means-tested benefits such as Council Tax and Housing Benefit.[414] The National Association of Pension Funds estimates that a citizen's pension of £105 a week 'could be afforded today and through transition within current net expenditure on state pensions.'[415] To afford the increasing long-term cost, 'change to one or more of the following is likely: the current level of state spend on pensions; tax or National Insurance contribution rates; state pension age; or amount spent on tax relief.' The Secretary of State has said he has 'an absolutely open mind, veering towards being very positive' about a universal or citizen's pension.[416]

185. Age Concern pointed out that different approaches to pension reform help women in different situations.[417] For example, older widows (often considered the poorest pensioners) frequently get a full Basic State Pension based on their former husband's contributions, and so would benefit from an increase in the level of Basic State Pension. Women in couples often have the lowest individual incomes and would be more likely to benefit from a Citizen's Pension.

186. The Committee recommends that the Government by April 2006 provides detailed analysis of the advantages and disadvantages for women in different situations (for example, by age, marital status and ethnic group) of the two key proposed ways forward - creating a more inclusive system of credits within the current contributory system versus introducing a universal or citizen's pension.

Savings Credit

187. Entitlement to Savings Credit is calculated as 60% of any 'qualifying income' (such as a private or occupational pension, although this can include earnings) above the Savings Credit threshold[418] (set at £82.05 pw, 2005/06 rates). Savings Credit rewards 'qualifying income' above this threshold level, up to a maximum of £16.44 a week. Once income goes above Guarantee Credit level (£109.45 pw), Saving Credit entitlement starts to be reduced.

188. As the Committee pointed out in its previous report on Pension Credit, those without a full Basic State Pension (BSP) are not rewarded to the same extent.[419] For this group, any extra is used to take their income up to BSP level and only the excess is rewarded. The Committee said that it believed 'the operation and effectiveness of the Pension Credit would be significantly improved if it 'always paid to save', i.e. if all second pension and savings income was rewarded by the savings credit, not only that above the level of the basic state pension.' The Committee therefore recommended that the Government 'should inquire into the immediate and long-term costs, benefits and affordability of extending the Pension Credit in this way and make public the results.'[420] In its response, the Government said that a key objective of Pension Credit was to 'reward those who have worked hard and saved'.[421] For this reason, it follows that a 'full state pension, based on contributions (and credits for those with broken work records and for those who had caring responsibilities) should be the foundation of state provision'. It also argued that: 'To do otherwise would increase the cost of Pension Credit significantly. For example, rewarding all income for those aged 65 and over by removing the savings credit threshold entirely would cost around £8 billion on top of the existing Pension Credit package. It would also extend support much higher up the income distribution, contrary to our declared aim of focusing support on those pensioners who need it most.' [422]

189. Since that time, however, we have had more explicit recognition from the Government that the current contributory benefit does not adequately cover those with caring responsibilities. The Minister for Pensions told us that:

"I do not think that any of us would say that the National Insurance scheme we have now, with all these different nuances to it, often adversely affecting women and, in the past, carers, is the kind of modernised social insurance system you would want." [423]

190. In the light of this, the Committee considers there is a case for reviewing the way in which Pension Credit rewards savings. The estimated costs of rewarding saving above the level of the BSP actually in payment is as follows.Table 4 : Option 1. Reward all savings in excess of the Basic State Pension in payment (excluding any increments for deferment)
2004/05 2050
2004/05 prices£0.5 bn -£2 bn
Cash Terms£0.5 bn -£8 bn

Table 5: Option 2. For single people, regard all savings in excess of the Basic State Pension in payment (excluding any increments for deferment; and, for couples, reward all savings in excess of either the Basic State Pension in payment (excluding any increments for deferment), or the full married couples rate of the Basic State Pension, if that is lower.
2004/05 2050
2004/05 prices£0.5 bn £0 bn
Cash Terms£0.5 bn £0 bn

Source: Ev 127. These calculations are done on the assumption that in 2050 all individuals will have a full basic state pension. For the base case, it is further assumed that the savings credit threshold remains equal to the couples rate of the basic state pension.

191. DWP explains that rewarding savings above the level of BSP in payment has a cost compared to the current situation, as those with less than full BSP entitlement would be rewarded for any additional provision they had made.[424] By 2050, however, there is an implied saving. This is because Option One creates some losers (i.e. couples with more than £131.20 (2005/06 rates) a week in Basic State Pension). For such couples, the Savings Credit threshold would rise - to the level of the BSP actually in payment - reducing the amount of income that can be rewarded through Savings Credit.

192. There were mixed views on whether such reform should be pursued. Katherine Rake of the Fawcett Society argued against 'tinkering' and said that what was needed was to 'step back and look at simplification in broader terms.'[425] Alison O'Connell of the Pensions Policy Institute, on the other hand, suggested that it might be a preferable short term solution to attempting complex changes to the contributory system.[426]

193. The Committee recommends that the Government should consult on the case for changing the way in which Savings Credit is calculated, so that qualifying income above the level of the Basic State Pension actually in payment is rewarded and particular attention should be given to whether this would send a clear message to younger women of the rewards for saving.


383   Ev 92 Back

384   Ev 88, Q 342 Back

385   Ev 93 Back

386   Pensions Commission, Pensions: Challenges and Choices: The First Report of the Pensions Commission (Norwich: TSO, 2004) p 268 Back

387   Ev 162 Back

388   Q 57 Back

389   Pensions Commission, Pensions: Challenges and Choices: The First Report of the Pensions Commission (Norwich: TSO, 2004) p 272 Back

390   Q 188 Back

391   Q 57 Back

392   Work and Pensions Select Committee, Transcript of oral evidence, HC 1171-i. 20 October 2004, Q 35  Back

393   Ev 2 Back

394   Pensions Commission, Pensions: Challenges and Choices: The First Report of the Pensions Commission (Norwich: TSO, 2004) p 266 Back

395   Ev222; Ev 205; Ev 165; CPAG, Welfare Benefits and Tax Credits Handbook 2004/05, p 832 Back

396   Home Responsibilities Protection reduces the number of years needed for a standard rate Basic State Pension. It is available for complete tax years throughout which a person has been awarded Child Benefit for a child under 16, and/or been receiving Income Support and who does not have to be available for work and is caring for someone who is sick and/or disabled; and/or been regularly engaged for at least 35 hours per week in caring for someone who, for a minimum of 48 weeks in the year, receives Attendance Allowance, or the highest or middle rate of Disability Living Allowance care component or Constant Attendance Allowance. From the 2003/2004 tax year, foster parents have also become eligible for Home Responsibilities Protection. Back

397   Ev 204; Ev 165; CPAG, Welfare Benefits and Tax Credits Handbook 2004/05, p 828 Back

398   Ev 165 and Ev 204.  Back

399   Age Concern Factsheet, No 19, www.ageconcern.org.uk Back

400   HMT Press Release, 2004 Pre Budget Report Press Notice 2, 2 December 2004 Back

401   CPAG Welfare Benefits and Tax Credits Handbook 2004/05, p 827 Back

402   Ev 128 Back

403   Pensions Commission, Pensions: Challenges and Choices: The First Report of the Pensions Commission (Norwich: TSO, 2004) p272 Back

404   Pensions Commission, Pensions: Challenges and Choices: The First Report of the Pensions Commission (Norwich: TSO, 2004) p 280 Back

405   Ev 204 Back

406   Q 352 Back

407   Q76 and Q 131.  Back

408   Ev 205 Back

409   Ev 129 Back

410   Ev 165; Q216 Back

411   Q 214 Back

412   Q 216 Back

413   The maximum amount of Guarantee Credit for a single person in 2004/05. Back

414   Q 218 Back

415   National Association of Pension Funds, Towards a Citizen's Pension: Interim Report, December 2004, www.napf.co.uk Back

416   HC Deb, 13 October 2004, col 303 Back

417   Q 131 Back

418   Child Poverty Action Group, Welfare Benefits and Tax Credits Handbook 2004/05, p 498 Back

419   Work and Pensions Committee, Second Report of Session 2001-02, Pension Credit, HC 638-I, para 26 Back

420  Work and Pensions Committee, Second Report of Session 2001-02, Pension Credit, HC 638-I, para 33 Back

421   Work and Pensions Committee, Second Special Report of Session 2001-02, Pension Credit: Government Response to the Second Report of Session 2001-02, HC 1006, para 7 Back

422   Work and Pensions Committee, Second Special Report of Session 2001-02, Pension Credit: Government Response to the Second Report of Session 2001-02, HC 1006, para 7 Back

423   Q 352 Back

424   Ev 127 and additional clarification provided by DWP on 27 January 2005. Back

425   Q 68 Back

426   Q 214 Back


 
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