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6. Mr. Andrew Love (Edmonton) (Lab/Co-op): If he will make a statement on the political situation in Lebanon. [57932]
The Minister for the Middle East (Dr. Kim Howells): The Lebanese Government are committed to addressing political, economic and security sector reform. During his visit to Lebanon in January, my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary reiterated that the UK stands ready to assist the Lebanese Government to implement those reforms.
The UK supports full implementation of United Nations Security Council resolutions 1559 and 1655, which promote the sovereignty of Lebanon, and encourages all parties in Lebanon to assist with their implementation.
Mr. Love: I thank my hon. Friend for that answer. Does he agree that the optimism of the so-called cedar revolution has been somewhat dissipated in the past few months, that the election of Hamas in the Palestinian territories is a setback and further destabilises the region, that as a result our objectives should be, as he says, the implementation of Security Council resolutions, and that we should not use Lebanon as some sort of proxy to fight battles in other countries in the middle east?
Dr. Howells: My hon. Friend, as chairman of the all-party Lebanon group, has taken a great interest in the affairs of that troubled country. His words are wise. Lebanon has suffered enough over the past 50 years. It should not be a battlefield for other wars fought by proxy in that country and I agree with him entirely.
Mr. Keith Simpson (Mid-Norfolk) (Con): Does the Minister not think that there is an irony in the fact that, at a time when Lebanon has largely been freed from Syrian influence, the vacuum has now been filled indirectly by the Iranians and their support of Hezbollah? Does he have any evidence that the Iranian support of Hezbollah poses a direct terrorist threat against UK personnel and interests in that area?
Dr. Howells:
We have not heard of specific threats, but I understand full well the hon. Gentleman's point. The area is very unstable. We have a great many people working out there, mostly in the private sector, and we have a duty to be very aware of the danger posed to them by Hezbollah and other groups such as Palestinian
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rejectionist groups, many of which are financed directly by Iran and the Revolutionary Guard. We know that Hezbollah itself is not acting like a proper democratic and political party. It has not laid down its arms and shows no intention of doing so.
12. Sir Nicholas Winterton (Macclesfield) (Con): What recent discussions he has had with his African nation counterparts on the situation in Zimbabwe. [57938]
The Minister for Trade (Ian Pearson): We deplore the situation in Zimbabwe. The widespread humanitarian suffering there is caused by misgovernance and bad policies. We regularly raise the situation with African leaders. My noble Friend Lord Triesman of Tottenham, Minister with responsibility for Africa, discussed the issue with a range of South African Government leaders during his visit from 2 to 4 March. African leaders play a vital role in seeking an end to Zimbabwe's nightmare regime.
Sir Nicholas Winterton: Does the Minister really think that the other Governments in Africa, including that led by President Thabo Mbeki, are fully aware of the suffering of the Zimbabwean people? Are they fully aware that hundreds of thousands have been dispossessed by Mr. Mugabe's Administration, that hundreds of thousands are dying of hunger, that some 200,000 have already died from hunger, that there is growing anger in the country that is coming from all population groups, and that there is growing disillusionment with the United Nations, which does not appear to have the courage to take action to end genocide? Will the Government seek to take action, either unilaterally, with other countries in Africa, or through the United Nations, to stop that grotesque killing of innocent people?
Ian Pearson: I think that South Africa and other African nations are well aware of the situation in Zimbabwe. South Africa suffers more than any other country from the Zimbabwean crisis. As a former economist, I must say that the regime, to my reckoning, has got to be close to economic collapse, with inflation rates of 1,000 per cent. and an unemployment rate in the region of 80 per cent. It is clear that the regime is failing, and there is more that African countries can do to bring pressure on it, including supporting the UK and others in discussions in the United Nations.
Mr. Lindsay Hoyle (Chorley) (Lab): Of course we welcome what the Minister says, but the problem is that year after year we keep getting the same message. The reality is that something has got to be done. The economy is ruined and the agricultural policy is in tatters, and there is no future for the people of Zimbabwe with a gangster in charge. What can we do, and when are we going to do it?
Ian Pearson:
I share my hon. Friend's sense of frustration at what is happening in Zimbabwe and the complete reluctance and implacable hostility of the regime to do anything about the suffering of its people.
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Under our chairmanship, Zimbabwe was discussed for the third time at the UN Security Council on 19 December. Such attention is justified by the scale of the suffering that is clearly going on in Zimbabwe. We will continue to work with our partners in New York to ensure that Zimbabwe remains on the Security Council's agenda, and we want to press for a Security Council resolution.
Sir Malcolm Rifkind (Kensington and Chelsea) (Con): A few moments ago, the Foreign Secretary praised the African Union for becoming involved in what he rightly described as the scandalous situation in Darfur. Will the Minister equally condemn both the African Union and the South African Government for failing to apply similar courage with regard to Zimbabwe?
Ian Pearson: I think that I have made it clear that the Government believe that African countries could and should be doing more. Many share our concerns, and we have seen President Obasanjo, President Mbeki, former President Chissano and others trying to persuade Mugabe to change track. The simple fact of the matter is that when Lord Triesman talks to them, they reply that Mugabe does not listen to them either. I agree that the situation is terrible, but it is important that we all do what we can to exert international pressure on the regime to change for the good of its people.
13. Mary Creagh (Wakefield) (Lab): What his Department's strategy is for ensuring that negotiations for an international arms trade treaty can begin in 2006. [57939]
The Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mr. Jack Straw): An international treaty on the arms trade was one of the foreign policy pledges in our manifesto for last year's general election. We are working to build the consensus needed to start the process for a treaty at the United Nations. In 2005, I am pleased to tell the House, we secured support for such an arms treaty from our partners in both the EU and the Commonwealth.
Mary Creagh: I thank my right hon. Friend for his reply. He will be aware that the treaty is vital if we are to ensure that there is a level international playing field for the UK defence industry and to stop arms from falling into the hands of human rights abusers and indiscriminate killers. What discussions has he had with not only other Government Departments, but countries that have been identified as blocker states? What discussions has he had with colleagues in the House to ensure that there is support for such a treaty across the House?
Mr. Straw:
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for her interest and concern. There is no party monopoly on the issue whatsoever because there is wide support across the House. She is absolutely right to point out that it is precisely the countries that are resisting such a treaty that show why it is needed the most. Many of the conflicts about which we talked earlier in today's
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Question Time have been fuelled by an unregulated trade in not only small arms, but medium-sized arms. I have held many discussions about the matter and I raise it with all Foreign Ministers whenever I meet them. As I said, it is significant that we now have active support from the European Unionwe achieved that during our presidencyand more than 50 members of the Commonwealth.
Mr. Crispin Blunt (Reigate) (Con): A rather notable absentee from those who were giving active support is the United States of America. One has to ask precisely what point there is in a huge amount of official and ministerial effort going towards trying to get this treaty if there is no prospect of the United States being a party to it. Even if it were, if it treated it in the manner in which it treated the extradition treaty with this country, what point is there?
Mr. Straw: I have had many discussions with the United States and those will continue. The Administrationit would apply to any Administrationfaces a difficulty about a possible collision between any international treaty and the right of American citizens under the second amendment of the constitution in respect of what happens internally in the United States. We have to find a way of navigating through that. The American Government are as concerned as any other responsible Government about the unregulated trade in small arms fuelling these conflicts; and in practice, the American Government are the biggest donor in terms of support for the United Nations and other aid programmes when it comes to resolving them.
David Taylor (North-West Leicestershire) (Lab/Co-op): Does the Foreign Secretary believe that it helps or hinders our role as honest brokers trying to fire up the international arms trade treaty talks that we have at the heart of government several hundred civil servants, paid for by the taxpayer, who are on free loan to the arms companies that promote the sale of arms and armaments to certain regimes, a few of which are very unsavoury by any standards?
Mr. Straw: There is no inconsistency between our support for the British defence industries and our support for an international arms trade treaty. I can say to my hon. Friend that our system of arms control in this country is one of the most rigorous in the world. It is adjudicated by the Quadripartite Committee on Strategic Export Controls, a powerful Committee that is made up of four of the Select Committees of this House. We are now in a situation where every quarter we give the Quad Committee real-time information about every arms control licence that we issue, as well as some of those that we reject.
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