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17 May 2006 : Column 1078
I was deeply concerned earlier this week when I learned of the extraordinary arrangement between the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Unionist party. I can well understand the misgivings that the hon. Member for North Down (Lady Hermon) was courageous enough to proclaim in the House this afternoon. Let us hope that I am proved wrong, and that there is more to it than the official reason that was given immediately afterwards. Let us hope that what the hon. Lady heard last night turns out to be true. However, at the moment, it looks like a rather cynical manoeuvre, and it is one that I am deeply distressed about, having always had a profound respect for that party. It has had its ups and downs, but it has always been consistently and absolutely democratic and law abiding. To find it now put into the same category as Sinn Fein by the Secretary of State’s statement today is very distressing. I think that that was very unfair on his part, but it is nevertheless distressing.
The hon. Member for Foyle (Mark Durkan) has his misgivings. He said that he was unhappy about the new clauses, but he went on to say that he was happy about a pledge to uphold the rule of law. He referred to the events of earlier this week, and it is those events that underline the need for everyone who is to play a constructive part in the Northern Ireland Assembly, particularly those in the Executive who will govern the Province, to make a public proclamation of their dedication to upholding the rule of law. I hope that it will not be necessary to vote on the new clause, because I hope that we shall have a good response from the Minister, but if it is necessary to go into the Lobby, I shall certainly support my hon. Friend the Member for Tewkesbury most strongly.
Sammy Wilson: The new clause is key to the likelihood of devolution being successfully implemented in Northern Ireland and to whatever devolved Government we set up being sustainable in the long run. It surprises me that there has already been resistance to it from the Government. Without a commitment by all those involved in the devolved Assembly in Northern Ireland, and in the Executive within it, to supporting the police and upholding the rule of law, we can be sure that it will not be long before a crisis hits the Assembly and it collapses again. We have already experienced that. The previous Assembly stumbled from one crisis to another, and it was quite clear why that was happening. Periodically, one of the parties involved in the Executive showed that it did not support the police not only through its words but through its activities. It is unthinkable that we could have a workable Executive in which there was no commitment to upholding the rule of law and supporting the police.
My party and I share some of the reservations that have been expressed about the wording of the new clause. Of course it is possible for someone to take a pledge to uphold the rule of law and then totally disregard it, or say that their interpretation of it was different. The Northern Ireland Act 1998 required Ministers to be committed to “exclusively peaceful” means. The Sinn Fein Members signed up to that, while at the same time running a spy ring from their office. Members of their party were also engaged in gun running and, on a regular basis, extortion, criminality and murder were being carried out by the very people with whom they were associated.
Mrs. Iris Robinson: I want to highlight the fact that there is no such thing as a good terrorist, whether they are members of the UVF or the IRA, or Muslim extremists. If they are terrorists, they are terrorists, and murder is murder. I also want to point out how far down the road Sinn Fein-IRA have gone within the ethnic minority communities. Last year, the Government gave £10,000 to a community group called WARN, which stands for the West Against Racism Network. I think that it is well named. It operates out of west Belfast, and had prepared a package for ethnic minorities coming into west Belfast. A leaflet that was part of the package said that the PSNI was an extension of the British state and had no support in west Belfast, so it would not be in the interest of any ethnic minority grouping to call the police for any reason at all.
Sammy Wilson: I thank my hon. Friend for her point, and I will deal with that issue later. She has highlighted an important part of what we mean by supporting the rule of law.
Despite reservations that we might have about the effectiveness of any additional pledge, we support the new clause for two reasons. First, it is at least a step in the right direction. It counters the wrong signals sent out by the Government at present. Members have already referred to the Secretary of State giving evidence to the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee last Thursday, which was an interesting session. During it, I put a simple question to him. I asked him whether it was
“possible for an executive to be set up in Northern Ireland, with ministers from Sinn Fein, even though Sinn Fein had not at that stage given their support for policing.”
His answer was extremely disturbing. First, he said that he did not want to
“erect new hurdles to power sharing.”
“I do not want to make this”—
a commitment to supporting the police—
“a pre-condition, and it will not be made a pre-condition, for the restoration of the institutions”.
What could be a clearer signal to those who not only do not support the police but, as the hon. Member for Strangford (Mrs. Robinson) has pointed out, actively discourage people from having anything to do with the police, even to the point that they seek to poison the minds of people who come to Northern Ireland from outside to get them into their way of thinking? Leaflets have been given to those who have come to west Belfast warning them not to go to the police station, not to report crimes to the police and not to go to the police station unaccompanied. What kind of message is that to send out?
The Secretary of State told the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee last week that he did not wish to erect a barrier to the setting up of the institutions. In this case, he did not want us to insist that Sinn Fein should desist from that kind of poisoning of people’s minds. He went on to say that
“there is no question that it is unsustainable in the medium-term, let alone the long- term, for parties to seek to have ministers in an executive when they are not co-operating with the police even at the most basic level or at a local level”.
What is the medium term? How long can a Minister stay in office while the kind of poison that I and my hon. Friend the Member for Strangford have described—about not co-operating with the police—is pumped out by activists on the street?
At the weekend I did a television interview with a Sinn Fein representative. During the interview, I asked her whether she and her organisation would advise someone who had witnessed or had evidence of a rape to go to the police. One would have thought that a woman who was asked about that kind of issue would respond, “Of course, such a violation should be immediately reported to the police, and anyone with information should go to the police.” However, all I got was rhetoric about the police recruiting informers and gathering intelligence in republican areas. Even as a woman, that Sinn Fein representative could not say unequivocally “We want people to report rapes to the police, and to give evidence.” Someone who wants to be a Minister in a Government and who still associates with a party which, collectively and in terms of its individual members, gives such advice to the public is not fit to be in Government, and a Government containing such people will not, in my view, be sustainable.
5.45 pm
Mr. Dodds: Does not the point become rather more telling when we consider that one of the responsibilities of the social development Minister—a post that this Minister currently holds here—relates to antisocial behaviour orders, under housing legislation? It would be possible for a devolved social development Minister to deal with antisocial behaviour legislation in a housing context while not being prepared to tell people to support the PSNI, the agency that might be involved in enforcing the legislation. Surely that is nonsense.
Sammy Wilson: It would also be possible for an Education Minister not to encourage the public to give evidence when schools had been attacked and windows broken. I think that the new clause is a step in the right direction.
I was perturbed by the Secretary of State’s apparent acceptance that Sinn Fein had done all that it could. When I pressed him again, he said:
“I do not want a late pre-condition established on top of the absolutely correct demands that have been made of republicans that they decommission, that they end their paramilitary activity and they end their criminality.”
It would seem that the Secretary of State is sending a signal to Sinn Fein, saying “You have done all these things, we are thankful, and we do not want to press you any further.”
Let me make it clear that this is not a new precondition. It is not an attempt to create a hurdle. It is a long-standing requirement. It is what was meant by the reference in the pledge of office to being committed to entirely democratic and peaceful means. That must involve upholding and supporting the police, which has not been done. It is therefore important for us to send the right signal.
I take the point made by the hon. Member for Foyle (Mark Durkan). I believe that this argument has been weakened somewhat by the activities of one of the
Unionist parties in Northern Ireland. At least in the House of Commons, even today, all who represent the Unionist tradition have made it clear that they envisage no role in Government for those who have been involved in terrorism.
Only last week, when the Secretary of State appeared before the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, the hon. Member for North Down (Lady Hermon) put on record what the IMC report had said in paragraphs 2.30 and 2.31 about the activities of the Ulster Volunteer Force. I will not read it out now, because time is short. Two days later, the hon. Lady was completely undermined by her own party, which seemed to have ignored all that the IMC had said because, in terms of ministerial posts, it was in its interests to do so. That was the reason given. At the weekend I conducted an interview with one of the party’s leading negotiators, and that was the only reason he gave. He did not say that it would help the UUP to persuade the UVF to give up its guns and its criminality; he simply said that it would give the party an extra position should an Executive be established.
I believe that that cynical exercise has, to an extent, undermined the position that the Unionists have adopted. I should make it clear, however, that we believe the same requirement should apply across the board. We cannot allow it to be weakened by the fact that some may have decided for cynical reasons to ally themselves with those whom the IMC has accused of being engaged in all kinds of criminal and terrorist activity.
This is an important new clause. The Government must stop being ambivalent toward the behaviour of Sinn Fein and its associates, and toward that of others involved in terrorist activity. It does not matter whether or not the Minister includes this test in the Bill: we will apply it to Sinn Fein. It would be much better to include that test in the Bill, however, so that the clear message is sent to terrorists and to Sinn Fein that the whole democratic body of the United Kingdom supports the test and requires that it is met. But we will make the judgment, and as we have made clear today, if Sinn Fein persists in its refusal to back law and order and the police, and persists in its refusal to encourage those who are influenced by it to support the police, it will not be regarded as fit for government and will not be included in the Executive.
The Minister is keen to have devolution in Northern Ireland by the end of November. The one way to ensure that that does not happen is to allow Sinn Fein to believe that it is not going to be pushed into doing the proper thing, the democratic thing, the right thing, which is to support the police, who will have to enforce the laws that they would wish to pass in an Executive.
Mr. Hanson: For the avoidance of any doubt, I say straight away to the hon. Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) that I will not be ambivalent in my comments on support for policing. This Government, the Secretary of State, the Prime Minister, the Under-Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, my hon. Friend the Member for Wythenshawe and Sale, East (Paul Goggins) and I all believe that Sinn Fein should be involved in, sign up to and support policing, and that it should take its places on the Policing Board. I am not going to
defend in this House a situation in which attacks on schools could occur, or in which individuals are not encouraged to go to the police to ensure that information about rapes is passed on. I make it clear to the hon. Member for East Antrim and others that the Government look forward to the day when Sinn Fein members take their place on the Policing Board and all citizens of Northern Ireland respect and support policing in the community and at large.
We share the aim of the hon. Member for Tewkesbury (Mr. Robertson)—
Dr. McCrea: Let us be clear: simply joining the Policing Board is not the test; the test is actively supporting the actions of the security forces as they establish democracy, the rule of law and the end of criminality in Northern Ireland.
Mr. Hanson: The hon. Gentleman knows that I share those objectives.
Mr. Hanson: I believe that everybody has the right to support the rule of law in that way. My problem with the new clause tabled by the hon. Member for Tewkesbury relates to the ability to legislate according to it. First, it is important to put on the record that there is movement in the direction of travel that those who have spoken today want to see. In paragraph 2.19 of its 10th report, the Independent Monitoring Commission—an independent body, not the Government or a political party represented in this House—states:
“We believe that the leadership”
“has accepted the need to engage in policing if it is to achieve its aim of devolution of policing and justice to an Assembly and Executive in Northern Ireland. It has not...yet determined how this might be delivered”,
but it has said that it wishes to see that direction of travel.
Paragraph 2.13 of the report states:
“It remains our absolutely clear view that the PIRA leadership has committed itself to following a peaceful path.”
I recognise that there is more work to be done, and in my role as Minister I will do all that I can to ensure that that it is done. The hon. Member for East Antrim said that there is a problem of definition with the new clause, and that is the nub of the matter. My hon. Friend the Member for Foyle (Mark Durkan) intimated as much, because we cannot define what the rule of law means or what support for it means. We know the direction of travel in broad terms, but I cannot define it in legislation.
Mr. Laurence Robertson: The Minister will be aware that the word most often used in law is “reasonable”. It is not possible to define exactly what that means.
Mr. Hanson: I put my points to the House and that is one of the points that it is important to recognise. I draw the attention of hon. Members back to a point that I discussed earlier, which concerns the pledge of
office. The pledge of office in place at present ensures that all Ministers must affirm, before taking any post, a commitment to non-violence and exclusively peaceful and democratic means. The current pledge of office can also be affected by IMC recommendations—and that is an important point. For example, if a future IMC report determined that individuals or organisations were not acting in the spirit of the pledge of office, safeguards are in place so that action could be taken.
Sir Patrick Cormack: I have a high regard for the Minister, as he knows, but there are times when the Government have to behave with real firmness. We need the smack of firm Government. The Government must tell these people that unless they make such a pledge, there is no place for them in the Government of any part of the UK. If the Government do not do that, they will not achieve devolved Government in Northern Ireland—which we want them to achieve.
Mr. Hanson: I reciprocate the hon. Gentleman’s sentiments, but he will understand that every hon. Member who has spoken today shares the same objective. I simply do not feel that legislating for it in the way proposed, with due respect to the hon. Member for Tewkesbury, would achieve that end or, for the reasons of definition mentioned by the hon. Member for East Antrim, be applicable.
Rev. Ian Paisley: The situation arose after those men had taken that pledge: they resorted to violence and some of them made statements justifying it. Why was nothing done then? The Government did not say that those men had to leave the Executive: they closed down the whole lot. I was accused of a sin and so were all the other Members, but those men were not.
Mr. Hanson: If the right hon. Gentleman is not happy with the current pledge of office and its operation—I take it from his comments that he is not—I have given a commitment previously, and I reaffirm it today, that we are happy to consider further legislation in due course on a stronger pledge of office, if such measures are produced by agreement as part of discussions of strand 1 issues. He will know that I am happy to discuss that and, in fact, I have sat across a table from his colleagues and raised the prospect with them.
For the avoidance of doubt, I confirm that the Government are committed to supporting the rule of law and the involvement of Sinn Fein and other interested parties in policing. That is essential, but the new clause would not assist in that process and I ask the hon. Member for Tewkesbury to withdraw it.
Mr. Laurence Robertson: Given the fact that we have to finish this debate in less than a minute, I do not have time to go through the various arguments that have been made. The new clause is not watertight, but no legislation is. However, as the hon. Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) said, it would be a significant move in the right direction if we were to adopt it. I therefore have no option but to press the new clause to a vote.
Question put, That the clause be read a Second time:—
The House divided: Ayes 193, Noes 274.
AYES
Afriyie, Adam
Ainsworth, Mr. Peter
Alexander, Danny
Amess, Mr. David
Ancram, rh Mr. Michael
Baldry, Tony
Baron, Mr. John
Barrett, John
Beith, rh Mr. Alan
Bellingham, Mr. Henry
Benyon, Mr. Richard
Bercow, John
Binley, Mr. Brian
Blunt, Mr. Crispin
Bone, Mr. Peter
Boswell, Mr. Tim
Brady, Mr. Graham
Brazier, Mr. Julian
Brokenshire, James
Browne, Mr. Jeremy
Burns, Mr. Simon
Burrowes, Mr. David
Burt, Alistair
Burt, Lorely
Butterfill, Sir John
Cable, Dr. Vincent
Campbell, Mr. Gregory
Campbell, rh Sir Menzies
Carmichael, Mr. Alistair
Carswell, Mr. Douglas
Cash, Mr. William
Clark, Greg
Clarke, rh Mr. Kenneth
Clegg, Mr. Nick
Clifton-Brown, Mr. Geoffrey
Cormack, Sir Patrick
Crabb, Mr. Stephen
Curry, rh Mr. David
Davies, David T.C. (Monmouth)
Davies, Philip
Davies, Mr. Quentin
Djanogly, Mr. Jonathan
Dodds, Mr. Nigel
Donaldson, Mr. Jeffrey M.
Duncan, Mr. Alan
Duncan Smith, rh Mr. Iain
Dunne, Mr. Philip
Evans, Mr. Nigel
Fabricant, Michael
Fallon, Mr. Michael
Farron, Tim
Featherstone, Lynne
Field, Mr. Mark
Foster, Mr. Don
Fox, Dr. Liam
Francois, Mr. Mark
Garnier, Mr. Edward
Gauke, Mr. David
Gibb, Mr. Nick
Gidley, Sandra
Gillan, Mrs. Cheryl
Goldsworthy, Julia
Goodman, Mr. Paul
Goodwill, Mr. Robert
Gove, Michael
Gray, Mr. James
Grayling, Chris
Green, Damian
Greening, Justine
Grieve, Mr. Dominic
Gummer, rh Mr. John
Hammond, Mr. Philip
Hammond, Stephen
Harper, Mr. Mark
Harris, Dr. Evan
Harvey, Nick
Heath, Mr. David
Heathcoat-Amory, rh Mr. David
Hemming, John
Hendry, Charles
Herbert, Nick
Hermon, Lady
Hoban, Mr. Mark
Hollobone, Mr. Philip
Holmes, Paul
Horwood, Martin
Howard, rh Mr. Michael
Howarth, David
Howarth, Mr. Gerald
Hughes, Simon
Huhne, Chris
Hunt, Mr. Jeremy
Hunter, Mark
Jack, rh Mr. Michael
Jackson, Mr. Stewart
Jenkin, Mr. Bernard
Jones, Mr. David
Kawczynski, Daniel
Kennedy, rh Mr. Charles
Kirkbride, Miss Julie
Knight, rh Mr. Greg
Kramer, Susan
Lait, Mrs. Jacqui
Lamb, Norman
Lansley, Mr. Andrew
Laws, Mr. David
Leech, Mr. John
Letwin, rh Mr. Oliver
Lewis, Dr. Julian
Lidington, Mr. David
Lilley, rh Mr. Peter
Llwyd, Mr. Elfyn
Loughton, Tim
Luff, Peter
Mackay, rh Mr. Andrew
Maclean, rh David
Malins, Mr. Humfrey
Maples, Mr. John
Mates, rh Mr. Michael
May, rh Mrs. Theresa
McCrea, Dr. William
McIntosh, Miss Anne
McLoughlin, rh Mr. Patrick
Mercer, Patrick
Milton, Anne
Mitchell, Mr. Andrew
Moore, Mr. Michael
Moss, Mr. Malcolm
Mundell, David
Murrison, Dr. Andrew
Newmark, Mr. Brooks
O'Brien, Mr. Stephen
Öpik, Lembit
Osborne, Mr. George
Ottaway, Richard
Paisley, rh Rev. Ian
Paterson, Mr. Owen
Pelling, Mr. Andrew
Penning, Mike
Penrose, John
Prisk, Mr. Mark
Pugh, John
Randall, Mr. John
Redwood, rh Mr. John
Reid, Mr. Alan
Rennie, Willie
Rifkind, rh Sir Malcolm
Robathan, Mr. Andrew
Robertson, Hugh
Robertson, Mr. Laurence
Robinson, Mr. Peter
Rogerson, Mr. Dan
Ruffley, Mr. David
Russell, Bob
Sanders, Mr. Adrian
Scott, Mr. Lee
Selous, Andrew
Shapps, Grant
Simmonds, Mark
Simpson, David
Smith, Sir Robert
Soames, Mr. Nicholas
Spelman, Mrs. Caroline
Spink, Bob
Spring, Mr. Richard
Stunell, Andrew
Swayne, Mr. Desmond
Swinson, Jo
Swire, Mr. Hugo
Syms, Mr. Robert
Taylor, Mr. Ian
Taylor, Matthew
Teather, Sarah
Turner, Mr. Andrew
Tyrie, Mr. Andrew
Vaizey, Mr. Edward
Vara, Mr. Shailesh
Villiers, Mrs. Theresa
Walker, Mr. Charles
Wallace, Mr. Ben
Waterson, Mr. Nigel
Webb, Steve
Whittingdale, Mr. John
Widdecombe, rh Miss Ann
Wiggin, Bill
Willetts, Mr. David
Williams, Mr. Roger
Williams, Stephen
Willis, Mr. Phil
Willott, Jenny
Wilson, Sammy
Wright, Jeremy
Young, rh Sir George
Tellers for the Ayes:
Mr. Tobias Ellwood and
Mr. David Evennett
NOES
Abbott, Ms Diane
Ainger, Nick
Ainsworth, rh Mr. Bob
Allen, Mr. Graham
Anderson, Mr. David
Anderson, Janet
Atkins, Charlotte
Austin, Mr. Ian
Bailey, Mr. Adrian
Baird, Vera
Balls, Ed
Banks, Gordon
Barron, rh Mr. Kevin
Bell, Sir Stuart
Benton, Mr. Joe
Berry, Roger
Betts, Mr. Clive
Blackman-Woods, Dr. Roberta
Blizzard, Mr. Bob
Blunkett, rh Mr. David
Bradshaw, Mr. Ben
Brennan, Kevin
Brown, Lyn
Brown, rh Mr. Nicholas
Bryant, Chris
Buck, Ms Karen
Burgon, Colin
Burnham, Andy
Butler, Ms Dawn
Byers, rh Mr. Stephen
Byrne, Mr. Liam
Cairns, David
Campbell, Mr. Alan
Campbell, Mr. Ronnie
Caton, Mr. Martin
Chapman, Ben
Clapham, Mr. Michael
Clark, Ms Katy
Clark, Paul
Clarke, rh Mr. Tom
Clelland, Mr. David
Clwyd, rh Ann
Coaker, Mr. Vernon
Coffey, Ann
Cohen, Harry
Connarty, Michael
Cooper, Rosie
Cooper, Yvette
Corbyn, Jeremy
Cousins, Jim
Creagh, Mary
Cruddas, Jon
Cryer, Mrs. Ann
Cummings, John
Cunningham, Mr. Jim
Cunningham, Tony
Davidson, Mr. Ian
Dean, Mrs. Janet
Denham, rh Mr. John
Devine, Mr. Jim
Dhanda, Mr. Parmjit
Dismore, Mr. Andrew
Dobson, rh Frank
Donohoe, Mr. Brian H.
Doran, Mr. Frank
Dowd, Jim
Drew, Mr. David
Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth
Durkan, Mark
Eagle, Angela
Eagle, Maria
Efford, Clive
Ellman, Mrs. Louise
Engel, Natascha
Ennis, Jeff
Farrelly, Paul
Field, rh Mr. Frank
Fisher, Mark
Flello, Mr. Robert
Follett, Barbara
Foster, Mr. Michael (Worcester)
Francis, Dr. Hywel
Gardiner, Barry
George, rh Mr. Bruce
Gerrard, Mr. Neil
Gibson, Dr. Ian
Godsiff, Mr. Roger
Goggins, Paul
Goodman, Helen
Griffith, Nia
Griffiths, Nigel
Grogan, Mr. John
Gwynne, Andrew
Hain, rh Mr. Peter
Hall, Mr. Mike
Hall, Patrick
Hanson, Mr. David
Harman, rh Ms Harriet
Harris, Mr. Tom
Healey, John
Hendrick, Mr. Mark
Hepburn, Mr. Stephen
Heppell, Mr. John
Hesford, Stephen
Heyes, David
Hillier, Meg
Hodgson, Mrs. Sharon
Hood, Mr. Jimmy
Hope, Phil
Hopkins, Kelvin
Howarth, rh Mr. George
Howells, Dr. Kim
Hughes, rh Beverley
Humble, Mrs. Joan
Iddon, Dr. Brian
Illsley, Mr. Eric
Ingram, rh Mr. Adam
Irranca-Davies, Huw
Jackson, Glenda
James, Mrs. Siân C.
Johnson, rh Alan
Johnson, Ms Diana R.
Jones, Helen
Jones, Lynne
Jones, Mr. Martyn
Jowell, rh Tessa
Joyce, Mr. Eric
Kaufman, rh Sir Gerald
Keeble, Ms Sally
Keeley, Barbara
Keen, Alan
Keen, Ann
Kelly, rh Ruth
Kemp, Mr. Fraser
Kennedy, rh Jane
Khabra, Mr. Piara S.
Khan, Mr. Sadiq
Kidney, Mr. David
Kilfoyle, Mr. Peter
Knight, Jim
Ladyman, Dr. Stephen
Lammy, Mr. David
Lepper, David
Levitt, Tom
Lewis, Mr. Ivan
Linton, Martin
Love, Mr. Andrew
Lucas, Ian
MacDougall, Mr. John
Mactaggart, Fiona
Mahmood, Mr. Khalid
Malik, Mr. Shahid
Mallaber, Judy
Mann, John
Marsden, Mr. Gordon
Marshall, Mr. David
Marshall-Andrews, Mr. Robert
Martlew, Mr. Eric
McAvoy, rh Mr. Thomas
McCabe, Steve
McCarthy, Kerry
McCartney, rh Mr. Ian
McDonagh, Siobhain
McDonnell, Dr. Alasdair
McDonnell, John
McFall, rh Mr. John
McGovern, Mr. Jim
McGrady, Mr. Eddie
McGuire, Mrs. Anne
McIsaac, Shona
McKechin, Ann
McKenna, Rosemary
McNulty, Mr. Tony
Meacher, rh Mr. Michael
Meale, Mr. Alan
Merron, Gillian
Michael, rh Alun
Milburn, rh Mr. Alan
Miliband, Edward
Miller, Andrew
Moffat, Anne
Moffatt, Laura
Mole, Chris
Moon, Mrs. Madeleine
Moran, Margaret
Morden, Jessica
Morgan, Julie
Morley, Mr. Elliot
Mountford, Kali
Mudie, Mr. George
Mullin, Mr. Chris
Munn, Meg
Murphy, Mr. Denis
Murphy, Mr. Jim
Naysmith, Dr. Doug
Norris, Dan
O'Brien, Mr. Mike
Olner, Mr. Bill
Owen, Albert
Palmer, Dr. Nick
Plaskitt, Mr. James
Pound, Stephen
Prentice, Bridget
Prentice, Mr. Gordon
Primarolo, rh Dawn
Prosser, Gwyn
Purnell, James
Rammell, Bill
Raynsford, rh Mr. Nick
Reed, Mr. Andy
Reed, Mr. Jamie
Reid, rh John
Riordan, Mrs. Linda
Robertson, John
Robinson, Mr. Geoffrey
Rooney, Mr. Terry
Roy, Mr. Frank
Ruane, Chris
Ruddock, Joan
Ryan, Joan
Salter, Martin
Sarwar, Mr. Mohammad
Seabeck, Alison
Sheerman, Mr. Barry
Sheridan, Jim
Short, rh Clare
Simon, Mr. Siôn
Singh, Mr. Marsha
Skinner, Mr. Dennis
Slaughter, Mr. Andrew
Smith, rh Mr. Andrew
Smith, Ms Angela C. (Sheffield, Hillsborough)
Smith, Angela E. (Basildon)
Smith, Geraldine
Smith, rh Jacqui
Snelgrove, Anne
Soulsby, Sir Peter
Southworth, Helen
Spellar, rh Mr. John
Starkey, Dr. Phyllis
Stewart, Ian
Stoate, Dr. Howard
Strang, rh Dr. Gavin
Straw, rh Mr. Jack
Stringer, Graham
Sutcliffe, Mr. Gerry
Tami, Mark
Taylor, Ms Dari
Thomas, Mr. Gareth
Thornberry, Emily
Timms, Mr. Stephen
Tipping, Paddy
Touhig, Mr. Don
Trickett, Jon
Truswell, Mr. Paul
Turner, Mr. Neil
Twigg, Derek
Ussher, Kitty
Waltho, Lynda
Ward, Claire
Wareing, Mr. Robert N.
Watson, Mr. Tom
Watts, Mr. Dave
Whitehead, Dr. Alan
Wicks, Malcolm
Williams, rh Mr. Alan
Wills, Mr. Michael
Winnick, Mr. David
Winterton, Ms Rosie
Woolas, Mr. Phil
Wright, Mr. Anthony
Wright, David
Wright, Mr. Iain
Wright, Dr. Tony
Tellers for the Noes:
Liz Blackman and
Jonathan Shaw
Question accordingly negatived.
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