The PGS rate
23. The Government has not proposed a specific rate
at which PGS would be applied. In its consultation document, it
indicated that "PGS would be set at a modest rate to capture
a portion of the land value uplift created by the planning process".[53]
As the Government told us, the rate at which PGS needs to be set
will be affected by decisions on the scope of the tax and any
exemptions or discounts in respect of particular types of development.[54]
Moreover, PGS is intended as just one part of a package of measures
designed to promote growth in the housing supply and support the
provision of infrastructure, including the current cross-cutting
review of infrastructure being undertaken ahead of the Comprehensive
Spending Review. The Government will also need to establish the
impact of PGS on the markets for housing and land before determining
a precise rate. The Minister assured us that this work was in
hand.[55]
We recommend that the Government provide us with regular updates
on the progress of its research into the impact of PGS on the
markets for housing and land.
24. A rate somewhere between the VAT rate of 17.5
per cent and 20 per cent has been widely considered.[56]
South East England Regional Assembly (SEERA) told us that "research
recently undertaken for the Assembly suggests that even at a rate
of less than 20 per cent [PGS] could be expected to raise significantly
more resources than present section 106 arrangements".[57]
It told us, for instance, that its research indicated that a PGS
system in the South East would raise about £4 billion over
the 20 year period covered by the South East Plan whereas Section
106 arrangements, even if operated more efficiently, would generate
only about £1 billion.[58]
Similarly, modelling undertaken by English Partnerships, based
on greenfield sites, indicates that with PGS set at 15 per cent,
the resources raised would be less than under current arrangements
but that with a rate of "20 per cent the take from PGS and
section 106 under the new system is greater than the existing
section 106 take", although it also noted that, depending
on the nature of the site, the actual rate required for PGS take
to equate to the current take even for greenfield sites ranged
from 7 to 22.5 per cent.[59]
Certainly a rate within this range would be in keeping with the
Government's commitment to modesty in comparison with previous
attempts to capture development gain, where the rate ranged from
52 to 110 per cent.[60]
25. The Government's primary purpose in proposing
the introduction of PGS is to increase the resources available
for investment in infrastructure overall, above and beyond those
produced within the existing planning regime. The rate at which
the tax is set will be a key factor in determining whether, and
how much, additional revenue is generated. Some witnessesNational
Grid Property Holdings and Northamptonshire Chief Planning Officers
Group for instancequestioned whether PGS would result in
any increase in overall resources.[61]
Even so, several factors make this a difficult hypothesis to prove
or disprove conclusively: not knowing the rate at which it will
be set is one factor but the dearth of robust statistical information
on the current level of planning obligations and the capital value
of the infrastructure that is delivered is another (we discuss
this point further at para 65). We set out here some of the issues
that the Government will need to consider when determining the
rate at which to set PGS.
26. There are already instances where developers
claim that the burden imposed upon them by Section 106 agreements
threatens the viability of a particular development. The implication
is that the profit in such developments is so slim that there
is no additional margin which PGS can lever into the public sector
without forcing either the landowner or the developer to pull
out of the project and consequently that PGS will not generate
any additional capital and may indeed generate less (even though
Section 106 agreements were never designed to be revenue raising).
No doubt this argument has been used by developers and others
as a bargaining position but nevertheless there are instances
where it holds true (see para 30 for example). If Section 106
agreements were exploited to their full potential nationwide,
as the recent Audit Commission report advocates, this circumstance
would arise more often. Thus, while
we accept that in some specific instances PGS may generate less
revenue than the current regime would, the important question
is whether PGS can generate additional revenue overall.
27. If local authorities, however, followed Government
policy rigidly, only using Section 106 agreements to meet site
specific needs, it would be less likely that there would be many
cases in which the viability of the scheme was threatened by infrastructure
requirements, though there will always be some specific marginal
cases. Difficulties are therefore more likely to arise where local
authorities stretch the scope of Section 106 agreements beyond
the Government's intentions. On this basis, we believe that PGS
could represent a fairer and more even-handed approach than the
arbitrary, sporadic and unpredictable imposition of broad planning
obligations.
28. The fact that in a minority of cases PGS would
generate less revenue than current arrangements has to be balanced
against the broadening in the tax base that is inherent within
the proposals (see para 22). That so many more developments would
be subject to PGS than are currently captured by planning obligations
provides a prima facie case that PGS must raise additional revenue,
and in many instances this would be raised in addition to Section
106 requirements. Despite the lack of data to form a basis of
comparison between PGS and current arrangements, the scale of
the extension of scope (from the current 6.9 per cent of planning
permission grants to encompass all but home improvements) means
that those who believe that PGS will raise less revenue will need
to present far more convincing evidence than they have done to
date to persuade us to their point of view.
29. There are a number of approaches that the Government
could take to quantifying these assumptions to form a basis for
determining the optimal PGS rate. The Sheffield University and
Halcrow Group study for the Department for Communities and Local
Government (DCLG) suggests that some five per cent of gross development
value is typically absorbed by affordable housing and that, taken
together with other planning obligations, some 10 per cent of
development value typically is captured.[62]
Figures from the Audit Commission are similar to these estimates:
it states that at most some 10 per cent of development value is
applied in this way.[63]
This implies that land value increases arising from the granting
of planning permission must be at least and probably much more
than 10 per cent if a development is to proceed. If land purchase
costs account for 50 per cent of all development costsnot
an unreasonable assumption for the South and East of the countrythen
PGS would have to be levied at 20 per cent to raise exactly the
same amount as existing arrangements. This analysis suggests that
PGS could be levied at a rate a little higher than 20 per cent
without stifling development but where the land value was modest
only, PGS at 20 per cent would struggle to match Section 106 results.
30. Rather than using development value, PGS could
be compared with the current regime on the basis of cash value
but here the complexities go beyond a dearth of statistical data:
those figures which do exist do not appear to be consistent. Research
commissioned by SEERA suggests that PGS at 20 per cent would raise
£4 billion over 20 years in the South East, whereas Section
106 agreements would capture just a quarter of that over the same
time period and geographic area. Sheffield University and the
Halcrow Group reported that in 2003-04 Section 106 agreements
raised a cash equivalent of £1.2 billion nationwide. This
figure is some 25 times higher than that implied by the SEERA
research which, unless we accept that the South East accounts
for only one twenty-fifth of the national total, is hard to reconcile
with the national pattern of development. Both studies make numerous
assumptions and are based on small samples which may account for
such a difference: both make a valuable contribution to the debate
but do not provide an adequate basis for robust tax revenue projections
or comparisons. As Knight Frank noted in its Planning-gain
Supplement Audit: Final Report, published in September 2006,
"there is little empirical evidence of how PGS would impact
on the actual viability of different types of developments".[64]
Nor is there any data available upon which to appraise the potential
for Section 106 to be extended and improved and thus to compare
the benefits of PGS against those of a reformed system of planning
obligations. It is clear
that extensive further research and statistical analysis is required
to enable the Government to determine the rate at which PGS should
be set.
31. Several witnesses argued that the strength of
the Government's commitment to recycle PGS receipts into infrastructure
investment should be a key factor in determining the rate at which
the tax is levied. The TCPA, for example, told us that
One of the key things for the development industry
is whether whatever level of tax is put in place does deliver
the investment that they see on occasion holding up development,
whether it is from additional money for the housing corporation
to allow their affordable housing to come forward or whether it
is funding for the infrastructure, [
] rather than the money
being immediately available to free up the development. I think
those are going to be some of the key tests, that if some of those
barriers are removed then that will be one of the implications
on which the development industry will judge whether or not it
is worth bringing forward their sites.[65]
The implication is that the development industry
is prepared to pay PGS provided that the funds raised are used
to support development through the provision of infrastructure
and that the better the additional provision of infrastructure,
the higher the rate of PGS that could be imposed without representing
a disincentive to bring land forward for development.
32. In
making its determination of the PGS rate, the Government will
need to strike a balance between setting the rate too high, which
could discourage development and encourage avoidance, and setting
it a rate which will cover the additional costs of administering
the tax, generate a surplus over current arrangements and provide
a contribution to investment in strategic infrastructure. It will
need to make a strong case to support its determination if the
rate does not fall within the anticipated range if the proposals
are to retain credibility. In any case, we would expect the analysis
and statistical modelling supporting the Government's determination
to be made publicly available and open to widespread scrutiny.
Changing the PGS rate
33. Certainty over PGS liability would be a valuable
asset for the development industry. That certainty may be undermined,
particularly for long-term development projects, if the PGS rate
were to change frequently.[66]
We asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury how frequently
he expected the PGS rate to be changed. He told us that, while
in principle the Government kept the operation of every tax under
annual review, the Government wanted "to ensure a degree
of stability and certainty" because it too recognised PGS's
"potential impact in some long-term planning business investment
decisions and markets".[67]
We welcome
the Government's understanding that it would be impractical to
vary the PGS rate frequently. The need to keep revisions to a
minimum makes it all the more important to establish a workable
rate at the outset.
19 Planning-gain supplement consultation, para
2.2 Back
20
Q 82 Back
21
See, for example, Q 84 Back
22
Planning-gain consultation, Box 2.2: Definitions of planning
value and current use value, p. 12. Back
23
Planning-gain supplement, para 2.8 Back
24
Planning-gain supplement, para 2.11 Back
25
Q 231 Back
26
See, for example, Q 236 Back
27
Planning-gain supplement, para 2.13 Back
28
On actual valuations, see, for example, Ev 107, 124. On concerns
over administrative practicalities, see for example, Ev 29, 111,
124; QQ 231-7 Back
29
See, for example, QQ 52, 63; Ev 2 Back
30
Ev 110 Back
31
Q 52 Back
32
Response to the Government Consultation on the Planning-gain supplement
by South West Property Industries, para 4.4 (PGS B/P 03) Back
33
See, for example, Q 241 Back
34
Ev 29 Back
35
Q 45 Back
36
Q 294 Back
37
Q 238 Back
38
Q 294 Back
39
See, for example, QQ 50, 217 Back
40
Q 209 Back
41
Planning-gain supplement, para 2.8; Q 307 Back
42
Ev 29 Back
43
Ev 30 Back
44
Q 63 Back
45
Ev 111 Back
46
Q 241; Ev 111 Back
47
Q 157 Back
48
Q 158, 230 Back
49
Q 295 Back
50
Department for Communities and Local Government, Valuing Planning
Obligations in England: Final Report, May 2006, p. 17, table
2.4 Major residential developments include schemes of more than
ten units or carried out on a site of half a hectare or more. Back
51
Barker Review, Final Report, p. 70 Back
52
Ev 2 Back
53
Planning-gain supplement, para 1.9 Back
54
Q 279 Back
55
Q 279 Back
56
See, for example, QQ 11, 14, 88, 140-4, 237 Back
57
Ev 49 Back
58
Q 106 Back
59
Q 141-4; See also Ev 38-43 Back
60
Q 279 Back
61
Ev 56, 63 Back
62
Department for Communities and Local Government, Valuing Planning
Obligations in England: Final Report, May 2006, paras 1.8
and 5.18 Back
63
Securing community benefits, para 23 Back
64
Planning-gain Supplement Audit: Final Report, p. 16 Back
65
Q 14 Back
66
Ev 146; QQ 16, 240 Back
67
Q 281 Back