Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Evidence submitted by the Bar Council

INTRODUCTION

  1.  The Bar Council Working Party on the Compensation Bill comprises a number of barristers nominated by the Law Reform Committee of the Bar Council, the Circuits and a number of specialist Bar associations, including the Personal Injury Bar Association and the Professional Negligence Bar Association. The Working Party was set up following the desire of the Bar Council to provide a response on behalf of the Bar as such to the Compensation Bill when published. Some of the specialist Bar associations may formulate their own responses to the Bill.

  2.  Following an invitation to the Bar Council from the House of Commons Constitutional Affairs Committee to provide written evidence in the context of its investigation of the Compensation Bill, this document has been produced as the Bar's written evidence. The Bar will be glad to offer further assistance (possibly by providing a team of practitioners who could elaborate on the issues) if called upon to do so by the Committee.

  3.  This submission addresses the five questions which are being considered by that Committee.

DOES THE "COMPENSATION CULTURE" EXIST?

  4.  The existence of a system by which those who have suffered injury as the result of the fault of another can claim compensation is a fundamental part of the UK legal system. The fact that many thousands of injured people obtain compensation each year through that system does not, of course, evidence the existence of a "compensation culture". Similar jurisdictions exist worldwide and the need to establish "fault" to secure compensation is usually seen as both "fair" and sensible economically.

  5.  The expression "compensation culture" is used as a label (a) for what some believe is a recent increase in claims based on greed or fraud or (b) to characterise claims for compensation considered to be frivolous or detrimental to the public purse or some socially beneficial activity. The Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs has described it as follows:[1]

        "It's the idea that for every accident someone is at fault. For every injury, someone to blame. And, perhaps most damaging, for every accident, there is someone to pay."

  6.  There seems little doubt that the public has become increasingly aware of the avenues open for claiming compensation. This may be due partly to the existence of advertisements about how compensation can be claimed. [2]However, that is a relatively recent phenomenon and the increased awareness of rights to compensation probably pre-dates the development of this kind of advertising. [3]Whilst there may be legitimate concerns about certain types of advertising and "touting" for business in this area (see paragraph 19 below), the fact that the public is better educated concerning its legal rights and how to pursue them is generally to be welcomed and not condemned. Moreover there appears to be no substantive evidence to support the contention that (a) increased awareness of the availability of compensation or (b) a "compensation culture" is increasing the level of claims.

  7.  Our understanding of the Government's view is that there is not in fact a "compensation culture" in the UK[4]. This reflects the conclusion reached by the Better Regulation Task Force in its May 2004 report entitled `Better Routes to Redress', namely, that the existence of a compensation culture is "a myth". For the reasons summarised in paragraphs 8-9 below, it is our view that that conclusion is indeed correct. The problem, it is said, is the "perception" that a compensation culture exists[5]. The Better Regulation Task Force said that its "report looks at what has created the perception of a compensation culture; how that perception is fuelled; and the damage that the perception, unless tackled, will do . . . ". We will deal below with the question of whether any amendment or clarification of the law of negligence is necessary to deal with this "perception".

  8.  The statistics contained in Table 1 of the Better Regulation Task Force report indicates that the number of accident claims had remained stable during the period 2000-03 and had actually declined in 2003-04 thus yielding an overall reduction over the period. [6]The Report suggested that those statistics might not provide an accurate picture because many compensation claims are settled out of court. We are not convinced that this is a valid criticism since the figures from which Table 1 was compiled came from the Compensation Recovery Unit and there is a statutory obligation to notify the Unit of a personal injury claim even if that claim is subsequently settled.

  9.  However, there is further evidence in the form of the Annual Judicial Statistics (published by the DCA) that reinforces the view that there is far less litigation about compensation claims generally now than there was a few years ago. The statistics for the Queen's Bench Division of the High Court (where many of the more substantial personal injury claims, including clinical negligence claims, are commenced and, in default of settlement, are tried) show an enormous diminution in the general number of claims instituted as between 1995 and 2004. [7]A lesser (about 35%) reduction in "money claims" (which will include a significant number of personal injury and clinical negligence claims) instituted in County Courts over a similar period also evidences a reduction in the volume of litigation in these areas. [8]The Queen's Bench Division statistics show a particularly significant drop after 1999, when the Civil Procedure Rules were implemented and Conditional Fee Agreements came to replace Legal Aid in most ordinary personal injury claims.

  10.  Although the Better Regulation Taskforce spoke of "the apparent explosion of litigation in the latter half of the 1990s and the early years of the 21st century", we do not believe overall that there has been such an explosion: in fact the evidence is very much the other way. We do not have any hard evidence that particular types of claims, such as claims against doctors or teachers, are on the increase. There is anecdotal evidence of school activities being curtailed and of widespread risk aversion because of the fear of being sued, but some firmer evidence than we have as yet seen needs to exist before any significant reform in the present compensation system is required. Anecdotal evidence of the type mentioned is, of course, newsworthy and excites comment, but isolated incidents which receive publicity do not assist in assessing the reality of the problem.

  11.  It is also the experience of those involved in the litigation process that a headline concerning a particular case may appear on the first day of a trial, but the fact that the claim is subsequently dismissed is not reported, or is reported in a much less obvious way. This can give a distorted impression of what is going on in the legal system. There is, of course, little, if any, reporting of cases that are abandoned or settled.

WHAT HAS BEEN THE EFFECT OF THE "NO-WIN-NO-FEE" CONTINGENCY FEE AGREEMENTS?

  12. We would correct one feature of the terminology in the question, namely, that what are now described generally as "no-win-no-fee" agreements are conditional (not contingency) fee agreements and are referred to as "CFA's" for short. "Contingency fees are where the fee paid is a percentage of the damages. It can either be a percentage taken from the damages, or a percentage of the damages but paid in addition to the damages."—Better Regulation Task Force report, p 29. Contingency fees are illegal.

  13.  At the time of their introduction as the means of financing the bulk of personal injury litigation following the withdrawal of Legal Aid, there were differing views about the extent to which CFAs would in fact increase access to justice. That debate continues, but there is a strong feeling amongst practitioners experienced in the field of personal injury litigation, in particular, that the removal of Legal Aid and its replacement with a system of CFAs has precluded the bringing now of claims which are difficult, but which are nonetheless potentially valuable and meritorious. However, we recognise that CFAs are now a permanent feature of the funding landscape in this field.

  14.  Although CFA's have become a more significant vehicle for funding compensation claims since 2000, and indeed the number of providers of appropriate insurance cover has also increased, the evidence to which we have referred above does not suggest that they have led to an increase in the overall number of accident claims. We do not claim to have detailed evidence about their effect in terms of increasing or decreasing the number of claims, but if, as we think, they may have had an effect in reducing the number of claims, it is probably because responsible litigation practitioners will only take on a case on a CFA basis if the claim has a reasonable prospect of success because otherwise those practitioners will not be paid for the work done. It follows, therefore, that the use of CFA's may well be discouraging frivolous or unmeritorious cases—but also, unfortunately, those in the "difficult but viable" category referred to in paragraph 12.

  15.  If, contrary to our perception, CFA's are producing a greater number of fraudulent or suspect claims and that "touting" for business in hospitals by claims management organisations is generating compensation claims from those who would not otherwise have claimed, then that would be a reason for regulation of the claims management industry (which we would support: see paragraphs 19-20 below), not a ground for criticism of the CFA system as such or for any amendment or clarification of the law of negligence.

IS THE NOTION OF A "COMPENSATION CULTURE" LEADING TO UNNECESSARY RISK AVERSENESS IN PUBLIC BODIES?

  16.  We have referred above to the view that there is within the UK a "perception" of a "compensation culture" rather than "compensation culture" as such.

  17.  Others may be in a better position to judge this than us, but there is, in our view, little concrete evidence to support the contention that this perception is widespread, that the current state of the law of negligence has led to it or that there is unnecessary risk averseness in public bodies as a result. Local authorities carry out numerous activities which inevitably expose them to the risk of claims for compensation. There is no compelling evidence that they refrain from any of those activities from fear of being sued. On the contrary, the possibility that local highway authorities may be the subject of tripping and slipping claims tends to lead to better systems of inspection and maintenance of roads and pavements so that those claims can be defeated. This is a benefit to society not a disadvantage. This "public benefit" aspect to the existence of the right to redress by means of a negligence claim has also led, for example, to improved hospital and clinical practice. The introduction of hospital protocols (reflecting good practice, not defensive practice) probably occurred at least partly because of deficiencies in the then existing practices highlighted in certain cases. The abandonment of outmoded clinical practices will have come about largely through knowledge that pursuing them could lead to a negligence claim. Other examples could doubtless be given.

  18.  The extent to which doctors, teachers and other professionals or groups are truly concerned about a growth in compensation claims is not clear. Whilst no-one would wish to be the target of a claim for negligence, (a) any such claim is invariably covered by insurance and (b) there are far stronger suggestions that the concerns of professional people relate to being the subject of criminal prosecution for the consequences of their ordinary work activities rather than having to deal with a compensation claim. For example, a teacher who supervises an out-of-school activity in which a child dies could easily be the subject of a manslaughter charge. The words of the Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs quoted in paragraph 5 above could so easily be read to embrace the possibility of criminal proceedings against the person said to be at fault.

  19.  We believe that if it is the case that public bodies and other organisations are more risk averse than in the past, then that is as likely to be a consequence of the prevailing statutory regulatory regime than any perceived "compensation culture". There are a large number of health and safety regulations which require employers to carry out risk assessments and to reduce risks to a minimum (see, for example, regulation 4 of the Manual Handling Regulations 1992 and regulation 3 of the Management of Health and Safety at Work Regulations 1999). Where an employer has assessed an activity as carrying a risk and then has reduced or eliminated the risk to protect his employees, the activity will have been modified accordingly. That is not a consequence of the current state of the law of negligence.

SHOULD FIRMS WHICH REFER PEOPLE, MANAGE OR ADVERTISE CONDITIONAL FEE AGREEMENTS BE SUBJECT TO REGULATIONS?

  20.  Given the evidence contained in the Better Regulation Taskforce report of some of the practices engaged in to date, the answer is plainly "yes". There would, we believe, be strong support for appropriate regulation in this context.

  21.  The object of the proposed regulations should be to maintain an open market for the provision of CFA's to the public whilst ensuring that the organisations which provide them do so in a proper manner.

SHOULD ANY CHANGES BE MADE TO THE CURRENT LAWS RELATING TO NEGLIGENCE?

  22.  The modern law of negligence is founded in Lord Atkin's statement of principle in Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] AC 562, the famous case about the snail in the bottle of ginger beer:

"You must take reasonable care to avoid acts or omissions which you can reasonably foresee would be likely to injure your neighbour."

  23.  However, this bald statement of common law principle has been modified and developed over the years. The setting of the boundaries of the law of negligence and the scope and content of duty and standard of care (and indeed causation of damage) have evolved to meet the needs of society. This is one of the advantages of a flexible common law system as opposed to that of a codified system of law.

  24.  As Lord Oliver said in Caparo Industries plc v Dickman [1990] 2 AC 605, 633:

        ". . . the postulate of a simple duty to avoid any harm that is, with hindsight, reasonably capable of being foreseen becomes untenable without the imposition of some intelligible limits to keep the law of negligence within the bounds of common sense and practicality. Those limits have been found by the requirement of what has been called a "relationship of proximity" between plaintiff and defendant and by the imposition of a further requirement that the attachment of liability for harm which has occurred be "just and reasonable"."[9]

  25.  In Watson v British Boxing Board of Control Ltd [2001] QB 1134, Lord Phillips said that the House of Lords in Caparo and the Court of Appeal in other cases had approved the approach to the development of the law of negligence recommended by Brennan J in the High Court of Australia in Sutherland Shire Council v Heyman (1985) 157 CLR 424, 481, where he said:

        "It is preferable, in my view, that the law should develop novel categories of negligence incrementally and by analogy with established categories, rather than by a massive extension of a prima facie duty of care restrained only by indefinable `considerations which ought to negative, or to reduce or limit the scope of the duty or the class of person to whom it is owed'."

  26.  It follows from this that the development of the law of negligence by the courts follows an incremental approach, one of the essential ingredients in any new situation under consideration being whether it is "fair, just and reasonable" to impose liability. However, the latter consideration tends to narrow the ambit of potential claims than to widen it. As Sedley LJ put it in Dean v Allin & Watts [2001] PNLR 921, 927:

        "After a century and a half of development of the law of negligence, we know there is no universal legal formula by which the presence or absence of liability can be determined and policy has correspondingly come to fill some of the places. What is not always understood in this context is that the `fair, just and reasonable' test is not a gate opening on to a limitless terrain of liability but a filter by which otherwise tenable cases of liability in negligence may be excluded."

  27.  As will be apparent from the foregoing, it is necessary for a court, when faced with a new situation in which a breach of duty is alleged, to consider the general "policy issue" of whether it is "fair, just and reasonable" to impose a duty of care. This has not infrequently involved questions concerning the social utility of the activity under scrutiny. Our supporting documents demonstrate the attitude of the courts to "public policy" arguments. The dividing line between what a court will feel able to take into account and what it will not may be difficult to draw. However, our view is that the courts have largely struck the right balance in ensuring that the imposition of a duty of care does not impede ordinary, desirable activities.

  28.  This view also appears to coincide with the Government's view. In the first place, the Better Regulation Taskforce itself said that:

        "the judicial process is very good at sorting the wheat from the chaff."

  The Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs took up this line in his speech on 22 March 2005 when he said this:

        "In reality, the way the courts look at claims is well-established and broadly consistent. The Better Regulation Taskforce report . . . was quite clear on this point."

  He went on to say, however, that—

        "the consequence of people thinking the courts are awarding compensation in new ways is causing problems."

  29.  We will not extend this submission by substantial reference to past cases, but two relatively recent cases will, we believe, demonstrate that the courts are alive to the need to balance the social importance and utility of an activity or sphere of life when considering whether to impose a duty of care or whether, when such a duty is to be imposed, care needs to be shown by the courts in finding that there has been a breach of that duty.

  30.  In Tomlinson v Congleton Borough Council [2004] 1 AC 46 the House of Lords had to consider whether a local authority was in breach of a duty of care as occupier of a lake formed in a disused quarry when it failed to prevent swimming or warn against the possibility of danger. A young man dived in and broke his neck. The claim failed and it is plain from the speeches of the Law Lords that they were well aware of the issues of social utility and free will when determining whether there had been a breach of a duty of care. Lord Hoffman was of the opinion that there were two particularly important considerations:

        "41 . . . the first is the social value of the activities which would have to be prohibited in order to reduce or eliminate the risk from swimming. And the second is the question of whether the council should be entitled to allow people of full capacity to decide for themselves whether to take the risk.

        42 . . . the majority of people who went to the beaches to sunbathe, paddle and play with their children were enjoying themselves in a way which gave them pleasure and caused no risk to themselves or anyone else. This must be something to take into account in deciding whether it was reasonable to expect the council to destroy the beaches.

        45 I think it will be extremely rare for an occupier of land to be under a duty to prevent people from taking risks which are inherent in the activities they freely choose to undertake upon the land. If people want to climb mountains, go hang-gliding or swim or dive in ponds or lakes, that is their affair. Of course the landowner may for his own reasons wish to prohibit such activities . . . . But the law does not require him to do so."

  31.  In Phelps v Hillingdon LBC [2001] 2 AC 619 the broad issue was whether a claim in "educational negligence" could be brought as a result of the alleged failure of various education professionals to identify the dyslexia of the various claimants. Although the House of Lords felt that, in principle, a claim based on such an allegation could be made, caution about it should be shown. Lord Slynn of Hadley said this:

        "The difficulties of the tasks involved and of the circumstances under which people have to work in this area must also be borne fully in mind. The professionalism, dedication and standards of those engaged in the provision of educational services are such that cases of liability for negligence will be exceptional. But though claims should not be encouraged and the courts should not find negligence too readily, the fact that some claims may be without foundation or exaggerated does not mean that valid claims should necessarily be excluded."

  The proposed change in/clarification of the law

  32.  The change or clarification in the law of negligence proposed in clause 1 of the Compensation Bill is entitled "Deterrent effect of potential liability". The proposed wording is as follows:

        "A court considering a claim in negligence may, in determining whether the defendant should have taken particular steps to meet the standard of care (whether by taking precautions against a risk or otherwise), have regard to whether a requirement to take those steps might:

      (a)   prevent a desirable activity from being undertaken at all, to a particular extent or in a particular way; or

      (b)   discourage persons from undertaking functions in connection with a desirable activity."

        The intention is that a court considering whether a person is in breach of the standard of care in a negligence action may take into account the desirability of the activity which gave rise to the alleged breach.

The proposal is unnecessary and undesirable

  33.  The intention behind the clause is, of course, entirely legitimate. The essential question, however, is whether it is necessary to enact legislation to achieve what is desired. Our position is that legislation is neither necessary nor desirable.

  34.  In paragraph 12 of the Explanatory Notes the draftsman of clause 1 of the Bill explains that:

        "This provision reflects the existing law and approach of the courts as expressed in recent judgments of the higher courts."

  35.  For reasons which will be apparent from what has been stated above, we agree with that statement and do not see the need to enact legislation which merely reflects the current law, particularly if there is a risk that legislation might be the subject of difficulties of interpretation.

  36.  The expression "desirable activity" is an elusive concept and introduces a significant subjective element into the law of negligence which is founded on the objective criterion of what is "reasonable". What may be regarded as "desirable" by one judge may not coincide with the view of another. And by what standards, and on what evidence, is the decision to be made in any case? Whilst, of course, it might be said that in determining what is "reasonable" some degree of subjectivity is involved, the word "reasonable" itself connotes the need to take an overview of what the ordinary, reasonable person might think of a situation. The use of the word "desirable" does not necessarily carry the same message.

  37.  There are other potential problems with the clause.

      (i)  It applies only to claims framed in negligence. Many compensation claims are capable of being presented on the basis of a breach of statutory duty as well as negligence. Indeed in some cases (for example, claims against tour and holiday companies) the claim may also be framed as a breach of contract. It is plainly undesirable that a court faced with a claim based both in negligence and on breach of statutory duty (and/or a breach of contract) would be required to consider the application of the clause to one cause of action but not the other(s) in respect of the same accident.

    (ii)  It introduces the prospect of there being a higher standard of care for activities that are not "desirable" and a lower standard for those that are. That cannot be right.

  38.  Moreover the clause is permissive rather than mandatory, yet there is no indication of the circumstances in which a court should or might choose to disregard the desirability of an activity when determining liability in negligence.

  39.  In conclusion we do not consider that there is any need for statutory change to the law of negligence in this area and believe that clause 1 of the Compensation Bill is unnecessary. We think that the courts should be allowed to continue both to develop and at the same time "rein in" the law of negligence as they have done (by common consent, successfully) over the years without having to face a super-added statutory gloss on the process.

  40.  If there is a need to ensure that a court has all the necessary information before it to assess the "social value" of an activity (and lack of information is cited by judges as one of the reasons for not being able to take this kind of factor into account), then (a) it is open to any party (particularly in this context, the Defendant) to invite the court to consider suitable evidence and/or (b) the court has all the necessary case management powers under the Civil Procedure Rules to ensure that evidence from appropriate sources can be given or other parties added to the proceedings to ensure that the fullest possible information is available. None of this requires statutory authority; it is merely requires the party who wants the relevant information and evidence before the court to ensure that it is available and for the court to be ready to receive it.

David Foskett QC, Christopher Gibson QC, Susan Rodway QC, Stephen Worthington, Simon Levene, Patrick Limb

Bar Council

November 2005











1   Speech to Health and Safety Executive on 22 March 2005 Back

2   The role of the internet in this regard cannot be overlooked. A "Google" search for the word "accident" will lead immediately to a number of avenues for advice Back

3   The role of "ambulance-chasers", a pejorative expression used to describe lawyers who turned up at the scene of an accident shortly after it occurred, or who sought out the victims of a significant accident and provided them with visiting cards, has been known for many years Back

4   In his speech to the Institute of Public Policy and Research on 26 May 2005 (see footnote 6) the Prime Minister referred to the "so-called compensation culture" and the Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs said in a speech on the issue on 17 November 2005 that ". . . we, in Government, want to show that we are committed to preventing a compensation culture from developing" Back

5   "Here in Britain, whatever the actual state of the so-called compensation culture, the perception of it and the effects of that perception are real. In England in 2003 there were between 7 and 10 million pupil visits on school trips. Sadly, there was one fatality. But only one. Between 2000 and 2005 the overall number of accident claims fell by 5.3%. Over the same period, accident claims against local authorities, schools, volunteering organisations and other public sector bodies fell by 7.5%. In 2000, the cost of litigation in the UK as a percentage of GDP was less than a third of that in the US. Tort costs in the UK in 2000 were 0.6% of GDP. This is the lowest of any developed nation except Denmark. But the facts too often do not prevail. You may recall the stories of the girl who sued the Girl Guides Association because she burnt her leg on a sausage or the man who was injured when he failed to apply the brake on a toboggan run in an amusement park. Neither of these cases produced big compensation awards in the courts. But this is not the impression that is left. The headlines have an after-life. They leave behind the sense that, not only are such cases being brought all the time, but that huge sums of money are being wasted. This impression, in turn, has genuine effects. Public bodies, in fear of litigation, act in highly risk-averse and peculiar ways."-the Prime Minister, speech to the Institute of Public Policy and Research on 26 May 2005. ". . . the problem is not about legal niceties: the notion that people are `having a go' is hindering organisations from going about their normal business. Some people, wrongly, think the law has shifted into a new territory-a territory that favours spurious claims. This is a misperception and a damaging one at that."-the Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs on 22 March 2005. "However often we point out that claims are not in fact going up, people still believe they are. The idea of a compensation culture gains credence by this misperception."-the Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs on 17 November 2005 Back

6   In the Prime Minister's speech on 26 May 2005, quoted in footnote 5, it will be noted that he drew attention to the fact that between "2000 and 2005 the overall number of accident claims fell by 5.3%" and that "over the same period, accident claims against local authorities, schools, volunteering organisations and other public sector bodies fell by 7.5%" Back

7   Judicial Statistics Annual Report 2004, Pie Chart at p. 32 Back

8   Judicial Statistics Annual Report 2004, Table 4.1 Back

9   Lord Bridge of Harwich said this in the same case at pp 617-618: " . . . in addition to the foreseeability of damage, necessary ingredients in any situation giving rise to a duty of care are that there should exist between the party owing the duty and the party to whom it is owed a relationship characterised by the law as one of "proximity" or "neighbourhood" and that the situation should be one in which the court considers it fair, just and reasonable that the law should impose a duty of a given scope upon the one party for the benefit of the other" Back


 
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