Select Committee on Environmental Audit Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1-19)

MR ANDREW PENDLETON

23 MARCH 2006

Q1 Chairman: Hello, good morning and welcome. This is our first oral evidence session of this Sub-Committee so we are looking forward to it. I think your background has been more in trade than in environment issues. I just wonder if I could start by asking you generally to what extent these two things are balanced or whether perhaps one overrides the other.

Mr Pendleton: I think if you take a pro-poor focus to economic issues in general then what comes out very strongly from that is that you cannot ignore environmental issues. In our submission we evoke this image that in the DNA of development you have got poverty and environment bound in together. For instance, if you are, as DFID says, trying to encourage pro-poor growth, you have to look at the areas in which poor people are active economically speaking and, like it or not, that is still largely agriculture. If agriculture becomes unsustainable because of environmental issues, which is already becoming the case in many circumstances, then their ability to trade and take part in trade is severely hampered. We know that the development of large-scale international trading can often have a negative impact on the environment. In a sense it is a dichotomy because you have got a situation whereby if you further harm the environment, particularly thinking about climate change, then you harm the very people you are trying to help. I think you have to try and find a way in which the focus on growth does not dominate everything else and, in actual fact, you need a focus on sustainability at the same time. Let me give you an example of an individual because it often helps to think of specific people in this regard. This was somebody whom I met in the north of Senegal, near the Senegal River, who is very, very typical of the kind of people that Christian Aid works with worldwide. He is a farmer growing rice and onions and his name is Mamadou Niang. He said something to me which I thought was very interesting. He said to me there were three things making his life and his livelihood very difficult—and he has quite a large number of children to provide for—and they are the fact that under structural adjustment programmes government withdraws support and he no longer can afford to fertilise his crops properly, that the liberalisation of trade in his country means that because he is already struggling to produce competitively he struggles to compete with cheap imports that now come in largely from Europe, and, thirdly, he said the desert gets closer every day. In a sense those three things are making his livelihood much more difficult. I suppose that is what I mean by poverty and environment being intrinsically bound up together in the DNA of development. If you do something that harms the environment then you are in fact harming the cause of poverty eradication and development.

Q2 Chairman: I think that has been recognised, particularly in that rather seminal report Up in Smoke which you refer to in your memorandum, which seems to have ended the standoff between environmental NGOs and development NGOs. Could I ask you how DFID has responded to that report or if you are aware of any response at all?

  Mr Pendleton: I think positively. I do not think there is anything specifically in the report that DFID would find disfavour with as it were, but I think the concern would be over whether the connect is there. The implication of Up in Smoke is that we respond in a number of different ways, that we respond in a way which allows poor people to adapt their lives to the inevitable impact of climate change. Climate change is not a single factor, climate change exacerbates every other environmental problem that poor people face and so it calls upon us to help poor people adapt to those inevitable changes, those changes that we now cannot prevent anyway. I think it also calls upon us to help poor people and poor countries more generally in a sense find a path to development which does not repeat the same level of carbon emissions that we have. If you look at India and China, where there has been high growth and very high growth in carbon emissions too, if that pattern is repeated in Africa and again in China and India in order to lift those who are still in poverty there out of poverty then you will have a problem which will ultimately undermine what you are trying to do. Thirdly, and this is the most important factor that I think DFID could champion across Whitehall in a sense but also should be championed anyway by all the departments that it concerns, first and foremost, action on climate change has to take place here because we are the polluters and historically we have been the polluters. We are the ones that are largely responsible for the carbon that is currently in the atmosphere and we are still the biggest polluters certainly per capita. So I think in those three senses it is really important. My sense is that DFID is strong on the adaptation work and we do some of that kind of work with them. It has not got to thinking about the mitigation work so much yet and it is not making strong signals across Whitehall from a pro-poor point of view about the need for us to take action on our emissions in rich countries.

Q3 Chairman: What did you make of the Budget statement yesterday in reference to extra money for adaptation? It did not mention the word mitigation.

  Mr Pendleton: I gather the Chancellor proposed at the World Bank and IMS meetings a £20 billion World Bank fund which I understand is about mitigation because it is essentially about how to transfer renewable technologies into developing countries. From our point of view that is hugely welcome because there is another aspect to renewable energy technologies which I think at Christian Aid we are just starting to do quite a bit of work on, which is that essentially a lot of isolated, rural poor companies currently are off grid and they always have been, they have never had large-scale electricity and so in a sense the debate about large-scale electricity generation has not ever impacted on their lives. Smaller scale renewable solutions may well be a very good solution to them. Almost regardless of the climate change argument, they may well be the technologies that those poor communities need to get energy now. What we know about energy is that when it comes into a community it transforms people's lives, it means that businesses can keep operating into the evening and so they can enhance their opportunities to make money and grow their businesses, and it means that particularly the adults can study and so you have a great leap forward in terms of literacy in those communities because, of course, adults cannot study much in the day. For those reasons—and they sound small but they are massively important—that kind of transfer of technology is hugely important. I think we would welcome the proposal. The measures of the Budget clearly do not go far enough but it is a step in the right direction. Certainly the transfer of renewable energy and sustainability technology to poor countries, if it is genuine technology transfer, is of massive importance.

Q4 Chairman: I understand that Christian Aid is developing its policy work on climate change. It seems a little late in the day. We have been well aware of the connections since Rio in 1992. Why do you think Christian Aid is only now developing its climate change policies?

  Mr Pendleton: First of all, I would not necessarily agree that we are only now doing that. The very first piece of work that I wrote when I walked through the door of Christian Aid in 2000 was a report called Unnatural Disasters where we identified—and I think we were the first development agency to do so—the link between the increasing frequency and ferocity of disasters that we were facing and that we were responding to with climate change, and we made that link largely because the UNIPCC under other pieces of work, including work from the insurance industry, made us able to do so and able to begin to cost that as well. We said that the spiraling cost, something like $6 trillion going up to 2050, was something that from a purely economic point of view could not be contemplated or countenanced and therefore we had to deal with it. Christian Aid has been doing a lot of internal work over the past year or so on trying to look at where our programme work is essentially already looking at climate change, but I suppose the partners with which we work do not quite realise that. So those that are working on the stewardship of natural resources and making sure that poor people conserve natural resources such as water and organic fertilisers and so forth, I think that kind of work is intrinsically about climate change, it is about the adaptation side, it is about making sure that livelihoods are climate change proof. I do not think we are latecomers to the debate anyway, but I think a lot of our work is intrinsically about this area, which I think goes back to that question about environment and development and the fact that it is a false dichotomy; they are bound together.

Q5 Chairman: In your memorandum you have been critical of DFID for not "climate proofing" how it spends taxpayers' money. How good do you think NGOs are at climate proofing how they spend their donors' money, and how well do you think Christian Aid does that?

  Mr Pendleton: It is a similar answer to the same question in the sense that what we are aware of is that poor people's relationship with the natural environment is incredibly close and that actually you and I have a very close relationship with the natural environment but we do not realise it most of the time, but poor people do because they are short of water and they are exposed to increasing desertification or increasing flooding or increasing cyclones or increasing ferocious weather patterns much more so than you and I. I think we are aware of that and we have been aware of that through our work and intrinsically the two things are bound together. Our sustainable livelihoods programmes take account of that and our disaster mitigation work takes account of that. The reason why we now have to campaign on climate change is because we have to ensure that our supporters' money is not wasted and I think that is why we are a part of the Stop Climate Chaos coalition, it is that it is really important for us to say loud and clear that the problem is created by us and so we must look to us for the solution. The reason why Christian Aid is a campaigning organisation anyway essentially is not because we want to be politically a pain in the neck, it is because we want to advocate on behalf of poor people in order to try and shift the structures and systems that keep them poor otherwise we could be open to claims that we are wasting supporters' money. That is a very critical part of what we do and that is why we are now stepping up our action with others on climate change.

Q6 Chairman: A good part of your funding is spent on grants overseas. Do you have things like environmental impact assessments when you are giving a grant to some project?

  Mr Pendleton: I think the honest answer to that question is no, we are not at that stage yet, but we are moving much more towards that. What I would say is that as a part of trying to help our partners draw the links between their work and climate change it is critical that we do climate proof our investments, we very much see them as our investments, which goes back to that point about the fact that this is a critical argument for development agencies because we need to climate proof the investments that we are making with our supporters' money.

Q7 Chairman: In your memorandum, paragraph 9, it says, "In spite of the economic growth of China and India (the benefits of which to poor people are questionable . . . ". Could you just expand on why those benefits of economic growth are questionable in India and China?

  Mr Pendleton: The link between poverty reduction and economic growth is unproven. There is a very good New Economics Foundation report which I reference in the memorandum and I urge you to take a look at and which effectively says that for every $100 of economic growth only 60 cents goes to poor people. There is a relationship but it is a very distant one and so in economic terms, that makes economic growth a very inefficient way to tackle poverty. That is not to say you do not need economic growth because obviously economic growth brings investment and without it investors will not invest, so you do need a modicum of economic growth. There are two factors: the first one is that it is inefficient in terms of tackling poverty and so just as important if not more so are means for redistributing the benefits of economic growth; and the second—and this goes back to the point about climate change being fundamentally harming poor people—is that if economic growth is achieved at the expense of the planet then poor people will ultimately suffer. If your aim in growing economies is to tackle poverty, if you do so at the expense of the environment you will undermine your efforts. I think what we need to be very clear on is that while growth is important it is not the be all and end all. I think the problem and, I suppose, the disappointment with DFID is that while much of what it does in its programme is very much along the lines of what we do and we share objectives, the over-focus on economic growth has been thee main way in which one tackles poverty and I think it is a problem and that is disappointing and that is something that we need to challenge. I think what we also need to do is to get over this idea that development agencies like Christian Aid are anti growth and anti business. We are hugely pro business, but we are pro a kind of business which is pro-poor. Poor people are business people largely, they are involved in business on a daily basis, but their businesses are being whacked by a number of factors and they are the sort of factors that Mamadou Niang talked about because he is essentially a businessman. I think we need to focus on what kind of growth is good for development, which is why I would applaud DFID's focus on pro-poor growth but then question, therefore, where the focus on macroeconomic growth being the issue over other growth in sectors may be important to poor people.

Q8 Mr Vaizey: We could have a huge ding-dong about the nature of global capitalism, but I will focus on your relationship with DFID instead. You have worked with DFID now for almost 30 years. I just wondered whether you could talk about your relationship with DFID and, in particular, what benefit you think DFID gets from working with Christian Aid.

  Mr Pendleton: Christian Aid is one of the agencies that has PPA and I think that is a development which we view as hugely positive because we feel it is a recognition of the positive work that Christian Aid does. Christian Aid now has a five-year strategic framework which says what we will do and how we will be judged by what we do over the next five years and that identifies six different areas. The PPA is essentially a recognition that DFID supports that strategic framework in particular areas. They are specifically interested in HIV and in our ability to mobilise particularly church agencies in developing countries which are hugely important for development. So it is a recognition of the fact we are an ecumenical agency, a recognition of the development work that we do and it is a recognition of the fact that we can add huge value—it is worth roughly £5 million a year—to that, because we bring supporters' money into that and we bring in other money and so in a sense we match and raise the £5 million DFID gets. Overall I think it is probably enormously good value, but it represents a partnership too. It is a recognition of the fact that we share aims and values about tackling poverty with DFID.

Q9 Mr Vaizey: What happens when you have some disagreement, how do you work that out? How micromanaged are you?

  Mr Pendleton: I do not think we are micromanaged in relation to the PPA. We have a responsibility to report against what we have said we will do for the PPA. The PPA is not attached to particular programme objectives, but we obviously are obliged to be accountable for the spending of that money. I think that is quite detached from our campaigning and public advocacy work. For instance, we were quite critical of some of DFID's work in Andhra Pradesh last year and that did bring a degree of disagreement, we had quite a big debate with DFID over that and we have a number of times in the past over specific policy issues. The fact that we have a close funding relationship and share objectives with DFID does not mean that we cannot disagree and sometimes fall out over specific policy issues. I think Christian Aid is quite a determined agency because we have a fairly clear set of values which mean we are obliged to speak out on behalf of poor people and to be provocative in order to try and challenge the structures and systems.

Q10 Mr Vaizey: If you consider specifically the environment and DFID's focus on the environment, the sort of impression we are getting as a Sub-Committee is that DFID's interest in the environment peaked a few years ago and then it pretty much dropped off. Is that your impression? What pressure can you bring to bear on DFID as it were to move the environment back up the agenda?

  Mr Pendleton: I think we can bring two areas of pressure to bear on DFID which we can always bring, which is in a sense we have a good day-to-day relationship with DFID officials through the PPA, but recently we took part in a National Audit Office audit of the PPA process and we looked at all the different relationships we have with DFID and they are many fold, over many different issues and so we have that day-to-day dialogue with DFID. My argument about advocacy for change is that it never works unless you have that element of public pressure that organisations like Christian Aid can bring to bear on a situation. We have an enormous amount of very vocal supporters across the country and we have a good dialogue with DFID where we can urge a greater focus on issues that we think are important, in this case the environment. Secondly, what we can do through our own public advocacy and through networks like Stop Climate Chaos and the Working Group on Climate Change and Development that produced Up in Smoke is an advocate in a more public sense for change within DFID and for connections in Whitehall, which is really critical on this issue because, as I say, the first and most important activity that needs to take place is a reduction in carbon emissions in the UK.

Q11 Mr Vaizey: You are seen primarily as a development NGO rather than an environmental NGO. Do you find your dialogue with DFID is more on development issues? Do you think DFID could benefit more if you placed a greater emphasis on the environment in your dialogue with DFID?

  Mr Pendleton: I think now we are and that is being greeted extremely warmly. In fact, I have had encouragement not just from DFID officials but officials across Whitehall in general and ministers and secretaries of state on that issue because I think they welcome the slightly late arrival in some respects of development agencies into the debate specifically about climate change, but bundled into that are all the environmental issues that I have mentioned. It is obviously critical that we have that dialogue now. We have had an emerging dialogue on the environment, for instance, over disaster mitigation and we are running a five-year research programme for DFID at the moment at Christian Aid looking at six pilot countries, including Bangladesh and Malawi, on disaster preparedness. While again, just as I was saying about our partners, we may not always have connected up the issues of environment and development and climate change, I think we have essentially been there and we have been having that dialogue already. What we want to say about our own work now is that it has to be intrinsically linked to the issue of climate change and I think we would want to say that about DFID's work too.

Q12 Mr Vaizey: Is one of the problems that the Millennium Development Goals do not have the environment as one of their key goals?

  Mr Pendleton: I suppose so, although if you look at the MDGs through a climate change lens then you get some pretty scary projections. I was looking at a piece of research that I do not cite in our memorandum by Martin Perry, who is one of the UNIPCC, which begins to make projections in terms of human development for the different IPCC scenarios on temperature rises. What he is essentially saying is that some of the areas that the MDGs cover like malaria are going to rise dramatically with the worst case and the middle case scenarios. In a sense what climate change does, as it does in all areas of development, is take us further away from our goals. We only ever see the MDGs as a useful set of targets by which to measure things and no more than that because, let us face it, in terms of our aspirations, they are not ambitious enough and then climate change is something that is going to take us further away. Of course there is MDG7 which does focus to a certain extent on the environment. I suppose there is an argument for an MDG that focuses on climate change, but for us the usefulness of the MDGs is as a measure of how we are progressing. I suppose what we can say is that climate change will take us further away from many of the human health and development aspects of the MDGs.

Q13 Mr Vaizey: DFID has 18 environmental staff out of almost 3,000 staff. Its budget is going to increase dramatically over the next few years. Do you think it will be able to absorb those increases and perhaps redirect them towards environmental aims?

  Mr Pendleton: I think we would like to see a greater emphasis on the environment and development in DFID. In development circles in general the arguments about sustainability and sustainable livelihoods have become unfashionable in recent years. We have always felt at Christian Aid, because of the nature of the work and because of the fact that we are connected to very grass-roots sustainable livelihoods programmes through our partners overseas, that that was a bit of a problem and a bit of an issue. I think what we would like to see is not just more capacity in DFID on the environment but better linkages between the environment, sustainability, development and climate change. I think what we see in our work with DFID on disaster prevention and mitigation is that it is good, but there are not the linkages between that and the need to act on the changing climate which, frankly, if you do not do again you are wasting your time and money. So I think there is a very strong argument for DFID being two things, having more capacity on the environment in relation to its own work and the work of its partner organisations like Christian Aid and also in terms of advocacy, because DFID could play a really important role in advocating for action on climate change in the UK on behalf of poor people.

Q14 Mr Vaizey: What about DFID climate proofing its own programmes? Have you got examples of where you think DFID could and should be doing more?

  Mr Pendleton: I will be honest, as I am not a programme person, and say I do not have that. I think the disaster prevention point I have just mentioned is relevant. I think DFID really does need to question investment in large scale energy projects which are carbon emitting. It is a point we have made before about the impact of some of those projects on poor people which, if you look at the evidence, is pretty roundly negative. If you add the climate change argument to that, so I am talking about some big oil and gas exploration projects, there is a very strong argument which says those projects will happen anyway because international investors are interested in those. Apart from offering guarantees and assurances from public agencies, there is no real reason why public agencies should be involved in those. Public money in a sense, if you take the climate change focus in particular but also the poverty focus, is not well spent. I would also question the mitigation projects that DFID does around those programmes in that they need to be evaluated. They could be very valuable in the sense that they could help poor people achieve their rights in those situations, but they could be negative if they are simply about sugaring the pill.

Q15 Mr Vaizey: So you think DFID is receptive to change and is listening to your arguments. Do you think if you came back here in five years' time you would be able to say there had been a real change in culture?

  Mr Pendleton: If I came back here in five years' time and there had been no progress both from DFID and other government departments on doing the essential thing in climate change, which is advocating in the UK for changes so that we do not emit so much carbon, then I would be hugely disappointed. I think the increasing alliance of development and environment agencies through Stop Climate Chaos, the Working Group on Climate Change and Development, the BOND Development and Environment Group and so on is extremely important and I hope that that will mean that in a sense Government has the mandate to do that and that DFID feels strong enough in government to say this is an issue of poverty and we cannot ignore it.

Q16 Mr Caton: Aid and development funding from governments and multilateral organisations is increasingly provided as direct budgetary support based on poverty reduction strategies. Is that the right approach?

  Mr Pendleton: There are positives and negatives about DBS. I would stress again that I am not the expert on DBS, but I did have a chat with some of those who are at Christian Aid and I think they feel there are positives and negatives. If you are working with a government that is co-operative and is worthy and capable and has the capacity to deal with DBS it has the benefit of rationalising aid and allowing government to spend development assistance on its key priorities as agreed with a group of donors and so it makes the situation simpler. Where it is negative is—and this is not necessarily environmentally related—that sometimes I think donors can use it as an opportunity to gang up a little bit on governments and to force through certain changes which may not be in their interests. There was an example about a government procurement agreement that I came across in Ghana, which had been a precondition of the launch of DBS, which was fine apart from the fact that it had an equal treatment clause in it which meant that the government of Ghana, after that law had been enacted, then had to give equal treatment to foreign companies and government procurement as it would to local companies and in our view that is a bit of a problem in terms of encouraging the development of capacity in local companies. There is an opportunity through DBS to set some environmental objectives within developing country governments and I suppose that is an aspect of condition setting in a soft sense that we would not have too much of a problem with given that the environment can sometimes, against all the other priorities that developing country governments often have to deal with, be low.

Q17 Mr Caton: Is that not the problem, that direct budgetary support is moving away from conditionality for very good reasons? Does that not limit our ability to climate proof the project that we support?

  Mr Pendleton: What you have to be careful of with DBS and where it is a significant weakness is that DBS spending by developing country governments runs the risk of not being accountable enough to civil society in those countries. So I think the insistence should be, if DBS is to be the way forward, that a proportion at least goes to civil society and a proportion to monitoring the spending of development assistance through giving direct budgetary support to governments. We have got partners like the Integrated Social Development Centre in Accra in Ghana who are doing direct budget support monitoring and that is a key part of their programme work now. If DBS is going to be a success then civil society needs to monitor it. Yes, I think you are right, it can make certain policy objectives of donors more difficult to achieve. Development assistance in general should not necessarily be about the policy objectives of donors and that is where the conditionality debate has been problematic in the past. There are certain conditions that need to be set and they are that the money is spent as agreed. I think what needs to be done is that donor governments need to set those environmental objectives at the start so that if there is an agreement about that and the condition is that the money is spent as agreed then that needs to be seen to be done.

Q18 Mr Caton: You say "if" DBS is the way forward. Does that imply that you think perhaps more focused project funding would be a better way forward, particularly to enable us to protect the environment?

  Mr Pendleton: I think we have always felt that where there are sufficiently strong civil society organisations in developing countries DBS should not be given at the exclusion of giving money directly to the kind of partner organisations that we work with.

Q19 Mr Caton: Enthusiasm for budgetary support at the moment tends to go hand-in-hand with encouraging macroeconomic growth to achieve poverty reduction. Could you expand on your reservations about macroeconomic growth being so essential?

  Mr Pendleton: It is really important to look at pieces of work like the New Economics Foundation work because it simply states a cold economic fact, which is that for a lot of economic effort, which is costly to the environment, you get very little poverty reduction. While we would want to encourage investment in developing countries, what is increasingly important to us as an agency is looking at what resources already exist in a developing country and looking at how developing countries can mobilise those. In a sense, is investment in its purest sense in developing countries the most important thing or is the way developing country governments regulate that investment the most important thing? For instance, if a company from Britain goes into a developing country to invest and demands a very low tax regime in order to do so, is that good value for money for that developing country? Does that undermine the value of that investment? I think you have to look at things in the round. What Christian Aid is beginning to do is to try and analyse investments. We have had an analysis on foreign investment hitherto which has been about the social and environmental impact of that foreign investment and we have looked at things like oil projects where there have been negative impacts, but we are increasingly trying to look at the fiscal element of that, to say what is the value of this investment to the developing country? Of course they bring money and jobs and therefore may contribute to macroeconomic growth, but what do they take away? If they are not paying a sufficient amount of tax and if they are also avoiding the payment of tax through that process, which very often happens, by making transfers through tax havens then is the value of that investment a good one? Aside from the argument about economic growth per se on which I think it is fair to say the jury is out at the very least, you also have to look at the story behind economic growth in a sense. So what really is the value? How much money does stay in the country? At the end of the day that is the critical factor and it is not the GDP growth on the table, it is how much money stays in that country. Capital flight is increasing from developing countries at an alarming rate and that is something that deserves our focus.


 
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