Select Committee on Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum submitted by The UK Industrial Sugar Users Group

  UKISUG represents the UK's manufacturers of food and drink, including companies both large and small. Overall, they employ some 80,000 people in the UK, with consumer sales of around £15 billion per annum. They use 70% of UK sugar consumption (1.2 million tonnes) and are therefore an important stakeholder in the sugar regime.

1.  THE EXTENT AND TIMESCALE OF THE PROPOSED PRICE REDUCTIONS

  1.1  UK industrial users of sugar fear that the proposed price reductions will leave the EU price of sugar still some way above the world price. The continuing pressure in the WTO to reduce the size of the budget for export refunds (which are intended to bridge the gap between the world and EU prices) means that a higher EU price will always remain a worry. The current gap between European and world prices has contributed to the loss of 16,000 jobs in the confectionery sector in the last five years.

  1.2  As regards timescale, it is naturally preferable to industrial users for the proposed price cut to be implemented as quickly as possible. The loss of jobs and production in the UK because of the high sugar price is a current and ongoing problem and needs to be addressed straightaway.

2.  THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE PROPOSED REDUCTIONS IN PRICE WILL BE TRANSMITTED TO THE CONSUMER

  2.1  There are two points to consider here: first, the extent to which any reduction in the official price will actually be reflected in the sugar market; and secondly, the extent to which any reduction in the price in the sugar market will be reflected in consumer prices.

  2.2  Industrial users have grave doubts about the first of these. At present, the market price is between 10 and 22% higher than the intervention price. This suggests that the market is not functioning normally, given that there is an excess of supply over demand. A look at the market structure explains why this is. The quota system is in effect a division of market share by law. Each sugar processor has an upper limit on the amount of sugar it can sell each year. There is no incentive for a supplier to win new business because it would have to relinquish existing business as a result, due to the cap on how much sugar it is allowed to sell. The normal process of competition—in which suppliers compete with each other to attract customers—is simply absent. The Swedish competition authority has described this as leading to "tacit collusion".

  2.3  The Commission's proposed reform changes this arrangement barely at all. Quota will continue to be divided among sugar processors, so the restraint on competition remains. In fact, given that the number of sugar processing businesses is likely to be reduced by up to two-thirds, the extent of tacit collusion is likely to grow. Industrial users argue that, if the whole notion of a quota system is to be retained at all, further measures are needed to ensure that sugar processors are forced to compete with each other rather than permitted to operate in a partitioned and uncompetitive marketplace. For example, article 37 of the proposed regulation allows for the possibility that import or EU production arrangements might be changed if the price does not fall as it should. The circumstances under which this article might be invoked are undefined and the measures to be taken are not specified in sufficient detail. They should be.

  2.4  Turning to the second consideration, there is no doubt at all that, if the market price of sugar actually falls under reform, consumers will benefit. There are two reasons for saying this.

  2.5  First, there is intense competition among retailers. In pursuit of the lowest possible prices on the shelves, they are continually searching for ways to cut costs. This pressure is naturally felt by the suppliers to retailers, too, including the industrial users of sugar. It is inconceivable that retailers would not take the opportunity to reduce the prices of goods containing sugar as far as they could, were the price of sugar to fall.

  2.6  The second reason for saying that the consumer sugar price would fall is that it has happened before. Between April 1996 and May 2000, the sugar price in the UK fell by 33.7% when the pound rose in value against the euro. The consequent impact on prices in the value chain was as follows (data from the Office of National Statistics).
Percentage change (1996-2000)
Raw sugar (as a crop)-33.7
Processed sugar (as an ingredient)-14.0
Soft drinks—producer prices-  5.7
Confectionery—producer prices-  8.1
Soft drinks—retail prices  7.6
Confectionery—retail prices  9.8
All retail prices  11.2


  2.7  Processed sugar represents between 10 and 20% of the costs for a sugar user (from industry estimates). A 14% fall in the cost of processed sugar should therefore translate into a 1 to 3% fall in the cost of manufactured goods containing sugar, all other things being equal. The actual price cut was much greater, between 5 and 8%.

  2.8  However, it should be pointed out that only 42% of the fall in the price of sugar as a crop was passed on by processors in a reduction in the price of sugar as an ingredient. Given that raw sugar amounts to two-thirds of the cost of producing sugar as an ingredient (from European Commission estimates), the price fall should have been 22% rather than 14%, ie more than 50% greater than it was. The stickiness in the price of sugar as an ingredient bears out, in black and white, the contention that competition among sugar processors is not as it should be.

3.  THE PROPOSED ARRANGEMENTS FOR COMPENSATING EU PRODUCERS

  3.1  The compensation arrangements for processors seem rather generous, given that they are not actually agricultural producers. By way of comparison, there has never been compensation for dairies and slaughterhouses after reforms in the milk and meat sectors.

4.  THE CHANGES TO THE QUOTA ARRANGEMENTS

  4.1  We have already explained the fundamental unfairness of the quota system and the way it stifles competition in the marketplace. We regret that the idea floated in the Commission's communication of July 2004, that quota might be bought and sold by sugar processing companies across national borders, has been dropped. That would have gone some way towards encouraging and rewarding efficient production, but sadly this turned out to be politically unacceptable.

  4.2  That leaves only two glimmers of hope for a competitive marketplace. First, there is the possibility in article 11 of the regulation that quota might be transferred from one processor to another within the same member state. It would be unwise to have much confidence in this option, though, because the rules for this in Annex V do not, as currently drafted, foresee new entrants into the marketplace, merely the reallocation of marginal amounts of quota amongst existing players. (Rules of this sort exist at present, in fact, but have rarely if ever been invoked.)

  4.3  If there is no reform of the quota system to facilitate competition amongst EU producers, the only hope is going to be an increased level of imports. There are plenty of producers outside the EU ready and willing to supply the European market. Contrary to most people's belief, however, there is nothing in the Commission's proposal that will increase market access for countries such as Thailand or Brazil. It is possible that article 37 might be used to inject more competition into the EU market, as has been suggested in answer to a previous question, but no decision to that effect appears to have been taken.

UKISUG

September 2005





 
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