15 EU-Russia relations
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8779/05
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| EU-Russia: Road Maps for the Common Economic Space, the Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice, the Common Space of External Security and the Common Space on Research, Education and Culture
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| Legal base | — |
| Department | Foreign and Commonwealth Office
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| Basis of consideration | Minister's letter of 21 June 2006
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| Previous Committee Report | HC 34-i (2005-06), para 6 (4 July 2005); also see (25804): HC 42-xxvii (2003-04), para 17 (14 July 2004)
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| To be discussed in Council | —
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| Committee's assessment | Politically important
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| Committee's decision | Cleared (Debated in European Standing Committee on 20 October 2005)
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Background
15.1 The Common Strategy instrument was created by the Amsterdam
Treaty, as the means of setting out the objectives, overall policy
guidelines, organisation and duration of the EU's external policies
towards geographic or thematic areas. The EU's Common Strategy
on Russia — its first — was adopted at the June 1999
Cologne European Council, for a period of four years. It had four
objectives:
- encouraging the democratic
reform process in Russia;
- encouraging economic reform;
- promoting regional and global stability and security;
and
- promoting co-operation with Russia on areas of
common concern such as international crime and environmental questions.
15.2 In July 2004, the Committee considered a Council
Report on the main lines of a proposed successor. The Common Strategy
had had limited success, being described by the then Minister
for Europe as "long and diffuse", and not clearly signalling
what the EU's specific priorities were. It had never enjoyed any
"buy-in" from Russia. And it had been overtaken by developments
elsewhere in the EU-Russia relationship, culminating in the May
2003 St Petersburg EU-Russia summit, which envisaged the development
of relations instead taking place within an Action Plan embracing
four Common Spaces — a common economic space (building on
the notion of a Common European Economic Space); a common space
of freedom, security and justice; a space of co-operation in the
field of external security; and a space of research and education.
Work accordingly proceeded on this proposal, within the framework
of the Partnership and Co-operation Agreement (PCA).
15.3 The main lines of a Joint EU-Russia Action Plan
on the four "Common Spaces" were forwarded to Russia
in April 2004, for agreement at the May Moscow EU-Russia summit.
But, in July, Russia had yet to respond. Since it seemed that
lack of political will on the Russian side had limited progress
on the Common Strategy, and given the overlap between its four
objectives and the four Common Spaces, the previous Committee
could see no obvious reason why the latter was bound to be more
effective. It was concerned that the EU might be tempted to backslide
in some of the more contentious areas — especially in governance
issues — in order to make progress elsewhere. They accordingly
asked for information on those main lines forwarded to Russia.[35]
The Four Common Space Road Maps
15.4 Several exchanges of correspondence culminated
in an Explanatory Memorandum of 7 June with the full text of the
four Road Maps agreed at the 10 May 2005 EU-Russia Summit:
The objective is to create an open and integrated
market between the EU and Russia, bringing down barriers to trade
and investment and promoting reform and competitiveness, based
on the principles of non-discrimination, transparency and good
governance.
Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice
The underlying principles are democracy, the
rule of law, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms,
including free and independent media and the effective application
of common values by independent judicial systems. Implementation
should lead to agreements on readmission and visa facilitation,
to promote greater contact and facilitate private, business and
official travel. Regular EU-Russia consultations on human rights
fall within this space, as does co-operation on combating terrorism,
organised crime and corruption.
Common Space of External Security
This underlines the shared responsibility of
the EU and Russia for an international order based on effective
multilateralism, including co-operation to strengthen the central
role of the United Nations and to promote the role and effectiveness
of the OSCE and the Council of Europe. Both parties will strengthen
their co-operation and dialogue on security and crisis management,
notably in relation to terrorism, the proliferation of WMD and
existing and potential regional and local conflicts — with
particular attention to "the common neighbourhood",
to promote resolution of frozen conflicts (e.g. in Transnistria,
Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh), where the EU would
continue to provide humanitarian assistance and support economic
rehabilitation, confidence building and efforts to tackle poverty
and human rights abuses.
Common Space on Research, Education and Culture
This aims to promote economic growth and strengthen
competitiveness, reinforce links between research and innovation,
encourage close co-operation in the field of education and promote
cultural and linguistic diversity. A European institute in Moscow,
co-funded by the EU and Russia, would be set up in 2006.
15.5 The then Minister said that the challenge was
to press ahead with implementation and deliver practical benefits
to the EU and Russia alike. Because the Road Maps "are political
documents [and] not legally binding agreements", they would
not be put formally to the Council for approval, but will be submitted
for the Council to take note. In a separate letter, he said that
the he had been unable to share any of the contents of the Road
Maps with us earlier in order to preserve the confidentiality
of the negotiations.
15.6 We felt that, though it might no longer be called
a Common Strategy, any "framework for the EU's relations
with Russia" was self-evidently of immense importance. The
Common Strategy was judged to have failed because it did not set
priorities and lacked political commitment. Progress had been
made, to the extent that a joint list of priorities has been agreed,
across a very wide agenda. Arguably, however, we felt that the
relationship should aspire to somewhat more than "practical
benefits", and that the challenge was likely to be in making
progress in those areas that tend to be grouped under the notion
of "shared values" and which revolved around "good
governance", but which nonetheless had a real bearing on
the attainment of long-term practical benefits. Although we did
not wish the Minister to hold up agreement in the Council, we
nonetheless recommended that the Four Common Spaces "Road
Maps" be debated in European Standing Committee, in time
for the Government to be aware of the views of the House ahead
of the 4 October 2005 EU-Russia Summit. The debate did not in
fact take place until 20 October 2005, when the European Standing
Committee agreed that the Road Maps "provide a valuable framework
for the EU to achieve its objectives in its relations with Russia
in the medium term".[36]
15.7 The Minister also agreed to update us after
each bi-annual Summit. The first such letter covered each Common
Space in terms reminiscent of the diplomatic communiqué,
and gave little insight into the nature of the discussions that
had taken place, particularly on the areas about which we had
expressed particular concern. But this was the first Summit under
the new arrangements, so we decided to await further developments.
The Minister's letter
15.8 In his 21 June 2006 letter on the second EU-Russia
Summit under the new arrangements (and the 17th overall), which
took place on 25 May 2006 in Sotchi, in Russia, the Minister for
Europe (Mr Geoffrey Hoon) says that the EU side was led by the
Austrian Presidency represented by Chancellor Wolfgang Schüssel,
the High Representative for CFSP Javier Solana, and European Commission
President Jose Manuel Barroso, with the Russian side being led
by President Vladimir Putin. He continues as follows:
"The Summit made some substantive progress
in the EU-Russia relationship. The two main Summit outcomes were
the approval of visa facilitation and readmission agreements between
the EU and Russia; and agreement on the basis for negotiations
on a Partnership and Co-operation Agreement (PCA) successor. The
visa facilitation agreement does not apply to the UK as a non-Schengen
country, but the UK will benefit from the readmission arrangements.
The PCA is the legal framework document for EU-Russia relations.
It expires in 2007, though it can be rolled forward. The EU and
Russia are keen to see a new agreement to reflect changes since
the PCA was first signed.
"The Summit had frank discussions on areas
important to the UK. The latest round of the EU-Russia Human Rights
Consultations was welcomed. Discussion on Chechnya was particularly
noted. On the common neighbourhood, the EU expressed the hope
for progress on Nagorno-Karabakh in the South Caucasus, though
the Russian side was less optimistic. We were pleased to see final
agreement on the EU's aid package to the North Caucasus, the proposal
announced at the UK Presidency's EU-Russia Summit last year.
"The EU stressed its concerns on Belarus
and Moldova. On this issue more than any other, the Russians defended
their policy of engagement with Belarus. Russia was critical of
the steps taken by the EU border assistance mission on the Moldova/Transnistria-Ukraine
border to reduce smuggling as creating undue pressure.
"There were detailed discussions on energy,
the EU noting continuing concerns in Europe stemming from the
January Russia/Ukraine gas dispute interruptions. Russia in response
stressed their reliability as a supplier, although they did not
agree to EU proposals to ratify the Energy Charter Treaty.
"There were discussions of a number of other
international issues such as Kosovo and Iran. The Russians raised
the Kosovo process as a possible precedent over questions of territorial
integrity, including for the South Caucasus states' frozen conflicts.
The EU underlined its view of Kosovo's unique situation.
"The incoming Finnish Presidency has put
the EU's relations with Russia as one of their priorities. We
welcome this focus. We will continue to sustain the focus on commitment
to common values such as democracy, human rights, and respect
for OSCE and Council of Europe principles."
Conclusion
15.9 It is gratifying to see early signs of concrete
progress in such a key relationship. But there remain important
areas of considerable difficulty and difference. Perhaps the most
pressing is energy co-operation, where the words in the Minister's
letter indicate positions at odds with the avowed priority given
to this issue by the Russian side for its G8 Presidency. There
also appears to be no sign of any meeting of minds on many of
the other issues revolving around external security and "common
values", perhaps the most disturbing of which during the
past six months is the new law on Non-Profit Organisations, which
appears not to have been discussed but about which the EU felt
sufficiently concerned to issue a formal statement on 19 January.[37]
15.10 The Minister's letter sheds a little more
light on the proceedings than either that of his predecessor or
the post-Summit Press Release,[38]
for which we are grateful. But it nonetheless raises as many questions
as it answers. For example, what is meant by "discussion
on Chechnya was particularly noted", and what sort of "undue
pressure" does Russia see in the steps taken by the EU border
assistance mission on the Moldova/Transnistria-Ukraine border
to reduce smuggling? What was discussed in the latest round of
EU-Russia Human Rights Consultations? In what sense was it "welcomed"
— simply because it had taken place? We look forward to
pursuing these matters further with him when he gives evidence
to us, and to further such reports.
15.11 Given its importance, we also look forward
in due course to scrutinising the new Partnership and Co-operation
Agreement, which is also touched upon in our separate consideration
of projects financed under the TACIS scheme in the Russian Federation.[39]
35 25804 - ; see HC 42-xxvii (2003-04), para 17 (14
July 2004). Back
36
Stg Co Deb, European Standing Committee, 20 October 2005,
cols 3-28. Back
37
http://register.consilium.europa.eu/pdf/en/06/st05/st05497.en06.pdf. Back
38
http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/er/89754.pdf. Back
39
See para 12 of this Report. Back
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