Assessing performance
10. As we have already noted, the FCO is responsible
for reporting to Parliament its performance against its Public
Service Agreement targets. However, the FCO faces considerable
challenges in doing this. Most of its work is difficult to assess
using quantifiable targets. Although most of its public service
workperforming functions such as the issuing of visas and
passportscan be assessed in that way, the successes or
failures of the United Kingdom's diplomacy cannot be measured
by numbers. Many of the FCO's PSA targets can only be ascertained
by making, as the FCO itself admits "subjective, qualitative
assessments of progress."[10]
Moreover, in the majority of its targets the FCO is far from being
the onlyor even the mainactor exerting influence.
In many cases, there are so many pressures and influences being
brought to bear on a target that it is difficult if not impossible
to have any certainty over whether achievements or failures can
be attributed to action or inaction by the FCO itself or to other
actors and other factors. For example, the following indicator
applies to PSA target 3 ("An international system based on
the rule of law, which is better able to resolve disputes and
prevent conflicts").
Nepal: By end 2007-08: A stable
Nepal with a durable ceasefire in place with the Maoists, democratic
institutions restored with respect for human rights and significant
progress towards a constitutional settlement[11]
The 'data source' for this indicator is described
in the following terms:
Largely diplomatic reporting. However, it is
also supported by a conflict analysis, which has been independently
verified by an academic with a long-standing interest in Nepal.
Some of the information is corroborated by (or even drawn directly
from) NGOs and human rights groups, such as ICG, ICRC, OHCHR etc.[12]
11. As anyone who has followed events in Nepal would
expect, this indicator is currently set at 'red'not on
course. The APR states that "The King's efforts to consolidate
his grip on power have reduced the prospects for peace. However,
the Maoists have announced a cease-fire [
]".[13]
We do not suppose that either of these developments can be attributed
to the efforts of the United Kingdom's diplomats. This calls into
question the utility of the indicatorif not of the target
itself, in relation to which two indicators stand at red, eight
at amber and only two at green. In our view, it really is not
within the gift of the FCO to secure achievement of this target;
the best the FCO can do is to work with others towards it. The
same applies to many other targets.
12. The unsatisfactory nature of this tick-box approach
to PSA targets is, moreover, exacerbated by an increasing tendency
for the targets to be measured by outcome rather than by input
or output. We question whether such targets always provide an
appropriate mechanism for measuring the FCO's performance. We
conclude that performance targets defined in terms of inputs and
outputs may often be more appropriate for the FCO than targets
based on outcomes, particularly where a target is based on outcomes
which it is beyond the capacity of the FCO to deliver. We recommend
that the FCO discuss with the Treasury the potential for redefining
some of its targets and performance indicators accordingly.
13. The FCO told us last October that a review by
the National Audit Office of the data systems underlying its PSA
targets was still under way.[14]
We recommend that in its response to this Report the FCO publish
a summary of the results of the NAO's review of the data systems
underlying its PSA targets, together with its commentary on how
it proposes to implement any conclusions reached by the review.
A year of two presidencies
14. The Foreign Affairs Committee in the 2001-05
Parliament looked at all the FCO's Departmental Reports during
that period, and reported on each of them. In its Report on the
2003-04 report, the Committee looked ahead to the forthcoming
United Kingdom presidencies of the G8 group of nations and of
the European Union. The Committee was concerned lest the expense
of administering these presidencies should lead to cuts elsewhere
in the FCO's budget.[15]
The Government responded to the Committee that "Through a
combination of prudent financial management and additional resources
provided by HM Treasury, we are confident we can do this without
cutting other work on our strategic priorities."[16]
15. The two presidencies ended on 31 December 2005,
so now is the time to take stock. We recommend that in its
response to this Report the FCO provide a full breakdown of the
costs of the G8 and EU presidencies, how they were met, and whether
the diversion of resources to service the presidencies led to
any adverse consequences for its other work.
1 Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Foreign and
Commonwealth Office Departmental Report 1 April 2004-31 March
2005, Cm 6533, June 2005 Back
2
The Departmental Report does not contain a statement of its purpose. Back
3
Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Autumn Performance Report
2005, Cm 6709, December 2005 Back
4
See paras 62-72. Back
5
Ev 8 Back
6
Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Resource Accounts 2004-05,
HC 776, December 2005, available at www.fco.gov.uk Back
7
See Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Technical Note,
available at www.fco.gov.uk Back
8
Written evidence to the Foreign Affairs Committee, Miscellaneous
matters, HC (2004-05) 489, Ev 14, 15, 22, 23 Back
9
Ev 82, 86 Back
10
Ev 12 Back
11
Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Autumn Performance Report
2005, Cm 6709, December 2005, p 16 Back
12
Ibid Back
13
Ibid Back
14
Ev 12 Back
15
Foreign Affairs Committee, Eighth Report of Session 2003-04, Foreign
and Commonwealth Office Annual Report 2003-04, HC 745, para
34 Back
16
Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Government Response to the
Foreign Affairs Committee's Eighth Report: Foreign and Commonwealth
Office Annual Report 2003-04, Cm 6415, November 2004, p 2 Back