Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Written Evidence


Written evidence submitted by The Office of Tibet

THE UNENDING NIGHT OF REPRESSION: A CASE FOR CHINA'S SUPPRESSION OF POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN TIBET

  His Holiness the Dalai Lama's Middle-Way approach attempts to peacefully resolve the issue of Tibet by taking into account China's paramount interest to achieve unity and stability as well as the Tibetan people's legitimate rights to preserve and promote their unique Buddhist culture and identity.

  Since 1979, His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) have been sincerely pursuing this mutually beneficial policy to achieve a genuine autonomous status for Tibet. So far four rounds of talks have been held between the representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the leaders of the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 2002. The CTA has even appealed to all the Tibet Support Groups in the west and the Tibetan people to refrain from engaging in demonstrations against the visit of PRC leaders abroad. It has made every possible effort to create a congenial atmosphere indispensable for the start of negotiations on the issue of Tibet. Although PRC has accepted Tibetan delegations to visit Tibetan areas and other Chinese provinces for the past few years, its violations of Tibetan people's fundamental human rights and religious freedom have continued throughout the past one-year. This has been substantiated by His Holiness the Dalai Lama's envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen during a briefing on Sino-Tibetan dialogue at the third World Parliamentarian Convention held recently in Edinburgh, Scotland from 18 to 19 November 2005. The envoy lamented that there have been no positive changes inside Tibet since the opening of direct contact with the Chinese leadership and that there are no clear signs that Chinese leadership is genuinely interested in beginning an honest dialogue.

  Despite liberalisation in the economic and social spheres, political and religious persecutions, especially in the so-called minority areas continues with no indication of improvement. China's current rulers, led by President Hu Jintao, give no indication of straying from this seemingly inconsistent course, originally set by Deng Xiaoping.

  Although China's parliament, the National People's Congress (NPC), adopted a constitutional amendment that included a general provision regarding human rights, the situation inside Tibet continues to deteriorate with no real improvement. Information trickling from Tibet reveals a pattern of systemic violation of Tibetan civil and political and religious rights.

  For instance United Nations' torture investigator, Manfred Novak, after having returned from a visit to China from 21 November to 2 December 2005, said that in Tibet sleep deprivation was frequently used, in one case for 17 days. Authorities also forced people to stay in one position for a long period of time. He said that torture in China is used to extract confessions, as punishment and as a form of re-education. In Tibet, he said the victims were usually "monks and nuns who still uphold their allegiance and support of the Dalai Lama and who are seen as endangering national security because they are often seen as separatists." Further he stressed that those who told him the most serious cases made him promise to keep their identity confidential due to fear of Chinese retribution, saying "in my report you will find the much nicer cases".

  Similarly a recent report received by the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD), a non-governmental human rights monitoring group based in Dharamsala, claims that Lhasa's Drepung Monastery has been placed under curfew since 25 November 2005. According to the centre, during a patriotic re-education campaign, the monks of the monastery were ordered to sign a document denouncing His Holiness the Dalai Lama as "separatist" and to pledge their loyalty to the Chinese government by accepting "Tibet as a part of China". The monks refused to give in because of which five monks, who reacted strongly against the document, were expelled from the monastery and immediately handed over to the Public Security Bureau (PSB) Detention Centres in their respective places of origin. The arrests triggered more than four hundred monks sitting on peaceful solidarity protest in the monastery's courtyard, calling for the release of the five monks. Fearing the protest might become widespread, the "TAR" government dispatched a huge contingent of officers from the Army, People's Armed Police (PAP) and PSB to the monastery to launch a massive crackdown on the protesting monks. The ensuing crackdown resulted in monks being severely beaten, and unconfirmed reports had it that a monk was killed when the officers fired a warning shot in the air.

  China also launched the summer 2005 "Strike Hard" campaign as a precautionary measure for smooth celebrations of the 40th anniversary of the founding of the "Tibet Autonomous Region" (TAR) on 1 September 2005. The campaign, which is aimed to curb political activism in Lhasa and other areas in the "TAR", resulted in the crackdown upon and arbitrary detention of former political prisoners and Tibetans suspected of political activity.

  China has also continued in Sera monastery the so-called "Love your religion, Love your country" political campaign initiated first in 1996. The campaign began on 10 July 2005 by the Lhasa Religious Bureau in Sera monastery, because of which the monastic studies of the monks have been hampered and many monks were reported to have returned to their native hometown when the notice for the campaign reached their monastery.

  Contrary to China's claim in the white papers and guarantees in the Chinese constitution, Tibetans do not enjoy freedom to express their opinion. This has been corroborated by testimonies of Tibetans who have arrived in exile. In fact severe restrictions continue to be imposed on the freedom of assembly and association and on the freedom of opinion and expression. A case in point is the persecution, and eventually the house arrest, of Tibetan writer Woeser for her devotion to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan religion.

  Similarly, Sonam Ngodup, 29, from Senge Chu, Kardze County, Kardze "Tibet Autonomous Prefacture" (TAP), Sichuan Province, was arrested and sentenced to seven years of rigorous imprisonment for pasting pro-independence posters. Before his sentence by the Kardze People's Intermediate Court, he was detained in the PSB detention centre where the officials tortured him to gain confession and to find out about his other aides. It is reported that due to such torture and beatings, he became unconscious on several occasions, and collapsed on the ground.

  TCHRD also confirmed reports that the Kardze Intermediate People's Court sentenced Lobsang Khedrup, 22, and Gyalpo, 26, to a term of 11 year's imprisonment in April 2004 for hoisting a banned Tibetan national flag. Both were arbitrarily arrested and convicted without honouring them a free and fair trial to defend their innocence in the court.

  Kardze region has in fact become the focal point of repression by Chinese authorities in recent years. This is substantiated by the fact that most of the arrests, detentions and other cases of human rights violations have been reported in this region, outside of the "Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR)".

  All these instances exemplify the extent of control that is being exercised by the Chinese authorities on the freedom of expression.

  Although China has released high profile Tibetan political prisoners in the past few years, notable among them Phuntsok Nyidron and Takna Jigme Sangpo, these gestures no way indicate that the situation inside Tibet has improved.

  Amnesty International reports that there are at least 145 known cases of political prisoners who are currently being held for a variety of peaceful activities such as advocating Tibetan independence and also for refusing to renounce their faith in His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

  Nowhere China's repression is more prominent than on Tibet's religion, the core of the Tibetan identity. According to the Chinese authorities in Beijing, Buddhism is the biggest threat to their so-called stability and economic development of Tibet.

  The persecution of the Buddhist community particularly intensified since the so-called third Tibet work forum held 20 July 1994, by the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) and the State Council of the PRC. The meeting reviewed the policy of "opening up and liberalisation" initiated in 1979, and formulated policy decisions with regard to politics, religion, culture and economy for the next five years. During the meeting, the then Secretary General of the Chinese Communist Party, Jiang Zemin, said that the Communist Party would take responsibility for the mistakes of the past in Tibet, implying the liberal policies Hu Yaobang implemented in Tibet in the late 1980s as erroneous.

  The immediate result of China's above decisions is the suppression of Tibet's religious activities and the Tibetan people's right to freedom of religion. On 14 June 1994, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, in accordance with Tibetan religious traditions, recognised Gendhun Choekyi Nyima, a boy born in Tibet's Nagchuka region, as the reincarnation of the previous Panchen Lama, regarded as the second highest Tibetan religious leader. The Chinese Government not only refused to accept Gendhun Choekyi Nyima as the true incarnation of Panchen Lama, but also detained him, his parents and Chadrel Jampa Trinley Rinpoche, the abbot of Tashi Lhunpo monastery. Their whereabouts are still not known in spite of their cases being raised by several governments and the EU, parliamentarians and various human rights bodies and Tibet support groups across the world.

  In April 1996, the patriotic re-education work committees were established in Tibet's monasteries. These were led by government cadres and permanently reside in the monasteries. Besides, photographs of His Holiness the Dalai Lama were banned from being displayed in homes and monasteries, and police stations were especially opened in big monasteries. Thus, severe restrictions and obstacles were imposed on daily religious activities, enforcing once again an enormous repression in monasteries.

  Since the unleashing of the "Patriotic Re-education" campaign till date, the Chinese Government made sure that the administrative powers of the monasteries rested in the hands of those people who were loyal to them. As a result, the so-called officials of the "Democratic Management Committees" were mostly pro-Chinese. Thus, they were able to bring these monasteries under the tight control of the Party workers. Moreover, it must be pointed out that the religious figures—such as lamas or tulkus, abbots, Geshes, etc, who are instrumental in the preservation, management and promotion of Tibetan culture and religion—continue to be estranged from their monasteries, disciples and devotees. A campaign was also simultaneously launched to stamp out these religious figures by levelling various kinds of criminal charges against them or by isolating them. To cite a few examples:

  After the mysterious death of the 10th Panchen Lama in January 1989, the young Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, and Chadrel Rinpoche Jampa Trinley, the abbot of the Tashilhunpo Monastery, were arrested in 1995. Their whereabouts are still not known.

  On 24 October 1999, the Chinese Government arbitrarily arrested Geshe Sonam Phuntsok of Karze in Kham province. He still suffers under critical conditions in a Chinese prison.

  On 18 April 2001, the so-called "Work Teams" of the Chinese Government raided Serthar Buddhist Institute. Khenpo Jigme Phuntsok, the abbot of the Institute, was arrested on 24 May 2001. Strict restrictions were also imposed on him for carrying out his regular spiritual activities. In June that year, the Chinese Government destroyed more than 2,000 monastic dwellings of the Institute, and out of more than 10,000 disciples, including Chinese, 8,400 were expelled from the monastery. On 7 January 2004, Khenpo Jigme Phuntsok suddenly died under mysterious circumstances in a military hospital in Chengdu.

  On 7 April 2002, Tulku Tenzin Delek of Lithang in Kham province was suddenly arrested and given a deferred death sentence. His condition is very critical now. Many other high lamas who have made tremendous contribution to Buddhism—including Gungthang Rinpoche, Cheshoe Rinpoche and Alag Shardong from Amdo province—died after suffering enormous hardships. As a result of the continued suppression of religious freedom in Tibet, Agya Rinpoche and the 17th Karmapa Rinpoche—on whom the Chinese Government had placed high hopes—were compelled to flee the country and seek asylum in the free world outside of the PRC.

  In December 2001, the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council convened a national-level meeting on religious affairs. Speaking at the meeting about their future work, Jiang Zemin emphasised that, for the stability of the country, it was important to further tighten the control over religious affairs: "Since earlier times, the religious issue was never an isolated issue. It is intermingled with the history of politics, economy, culture and nationality, and their actual contradictions. Therefore, it is a very complex issue."

  The religious policy of the new Chinese leadership led by Hu Jintao states that "religion should be in conformity with socialism". In other words, religious behaviour and religion is only tolerated as long as it does not interfere with or challenge the authority, legitimacy and status of the party. Over the past 50 years, practical measures to handle religion in Tibet have varied from a pragmatic tolerance to complete repression and persecution. Current policy dictates that religion should be accommodated and utilised, but kept firmly under the Party control.

  Because of the close link between religion and Tibetan identity, the measures used to implement state religious policy have been particularly harsh in Tibet. Tibetan Buddhism continues to be an integral element of Tibetan identity, and is therefore perceived as a threat to the authority of the state and unity of the PRC. Being an authoritarian regime ruled by a single party, Beijing could never imagine a chunk of its population showing allegiance to Buddhism and its charismatic Lamas. Therefore, systematic campaigns have been launched to target and eventually eliminate these high profile Buddhist leaders, around whom Tibetans and non-Tibetan Buddhists started mobilising in great numbers.

  Today, Tibetan Buddhism is considered as an important field of psychological study, having the potential of competing with modern sciences. Buddhism's emphasis on compassion, love and interdependence makes it extremely relevant at a time when the world is under immense threat from terrorism and other violent-ridden conflicts. This is evident from the burgeoning interest in and attention paid by the western neuro-scientists on the Buddhist psychology's potential to cultivate love and compassion and eventually a calm mind through contemplative meditation. Particularly, we believe that Tibetan Buddhism can play a constructive role in achieving the present Chinese leaders' effort to create a "harmonious society".

  His Holiness the Dalai Lama's non-violent and Middle-Way Approach is a pragmatic course to resolve the long-standing issue of Tibet, a solution that guarantees China's unity and stability and at the same time preserving the unique Tibetan identity currently being diluted due to massive Chinese population settlement in Tibet. A just and humane treatment of the Tibetan people's fundamental rights and religious freedom will go a long way in creating the trust and confidence necessary to resolve the long-standing issue of Tibet. From its side, the Tibetan Administration in Exile under the noble leadership and guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama will strictly adhere to its Middle-Way Approach and the principles of non-violence in finding a viable solution to the Tibetan problem. However, this effort requires the support of governments in the free world who believe in democracy and human rights for all regardless of caste, creed and colour.

  Therefore, this evidence is being presented to the Foreign Affairs Committee in the hope that the Committee will effectively urge their government to take a more pro-active action and support our efforts in getting China to stop the violation of human rights in Tibet and to start genuine negotiation with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his representatives without further delays.

Mrs Kesang Y Takla

Representative of His Holiness The Dalai Lama for Northern Europe

12 December 2005





 
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Prepared 13 August 2006