Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40-45)

JONATHAN FISHER QC

31 OCTOBER 2006

  Q40  Mr Denham: To go a bit further along that line though, the implication of your proposals is that the problem we have is that the judiciary are being asked the wrong questions; they are not able to take into account a sufficiently wide range of factors, including the extent to which the individual contributed to their own misfortune. It is possible, is it not, to argue that where we are is actually for a slightly different reason, and that is that a culture has grown up in the judiciary, and in the legal system in general, which sees rights in quite a different way to the way in which rights are understood in popular culture and probably in most parliamentary discussions and that, actually, there is nothing inevitable about some of the more controversial interpretations that have been made under the Human Rights Act had the culture in the legal world been more closely aligned with the popular and political culture. Is that a reasonable observation? Therefore, we would not need to change the law to do this, we would just need to address why it is we have the type of judiciary we do, why it is we have the type of legal establishment that we do.

  Jonathan Fisher: I see that. It is a question, if I may say, that perhaps will be more usefully answered by a member of the senior judiciary. I am sure that the answer you will get will be far more useful to you than the answer I will give you. I certainly would not, for my part, go down the road of seeking to constrict the judiciary. If you look at it as a purely intellectual exercise, and I am not suggesting for one moment that this would happen, as if anything would, in this country, but we can all posit scenarios where the judiciary may wish to dig their heels in, as it were, to use the vernacular, but it just seems to me that for where we are at at the moment the proposal that I am putting forward would not materially change matters.

  Q41  Mr Clappison: Could I put to you the same question which I put to Professor Klug. Is it your opinion that this country could resign from the European Convention on Human Rights and remain a Member of the European Union? Obviously, the opposite does not need to be the case, you can be a member without being a member of the European Union, but can you stay in European Union and resign from the Convention?

  Jonathan Fisher: It seems to me that you can, but I will say immediately, I am not a constitutional lawyer and there are many far more learned than me, including Professor Klug. Article 6 of our European Union Treaty makes clear that the Union is founded on the principles of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the Union must respect fundamental rights, as guaranteed by the Convention, for the protection of human rights. It seems to me, on a reading of that, that if we put in place a bill of rights and obligations which replaces the European Convention and remains true to incorporating in it those fundamental human rights that we are speaking of and that we have been talking about this morning, I cannot conceive of how it can be said that we are not respecting fundamental rights as guaranteed by the Convention. I am not suggesting for one moment that we go any further than, for example, the UN Convention on the Status of Refugees just gone. I do not think it could be said that in those circumstances we are not respecting fundamental human rights. Then, if you look at Article 7, and presumably you must construe the two together, you say, "In what circumstances does a Member State get into trouble for a breach? What are we talking about?" In Article 7 of the European Union—this is Amsterdam as now consolidated with Rome and it was Article F of Amsterdam—"The Council [the European Council] may determine the existence of a serious and persistent breach." We are not getting into that territory.

  Q42  Bob Russell: So, why change the words? What is it all about?

  Jonathan Fisher: It is all about a number of things. First of all, that our civil liberties are not being adequately protected and we need to specifically flag up and enshrine certain fundamental rights that we have in this country, and also it is all about making clear that individuals do have obligations and that the rights-based culture leads us to a very lopsided approach towards civil liberties, and it is all about taking us forward in a way that allows us to meet the challenges (and they are very real challenges) of the modern age, whether we are looking at the challenge of international terrorism or the challenge of trying to engage large sectors of our population who do not even vote in this country at elections. So, it is about all of those things.

  Q43  Mr Winnick: What has that got to do with the Human Rights Act?

  Jonathan Fisher: A lot, because if people come to understand the importance of a democracy, if they understand the importance of core values, of their own individual responsibility to society, one of the things they will realise is that they should be participating and they should be encouraged to participate.

  Q44  Mr Winnick: Are you really telling us that what you are suggesting would encourage people to vote?

  Jonathan Fisher: I would like to see it engender a culture in which people appreciate what we in this room hold dear, which is the importance of individual responsibilities to each other and to society and to the values that this country represents and has taken to the world. We need to transmit that, and I do believe that, by adding obligations into a bill of rights and obligations, you will start to go down that road.

  Q45  Mr Denham: Mr Fisher, you have stimulated a great deal of discussion on this issue, and a great deal of thought. Can I thank you very much indeed.

  Jonathan Fisher: Thank you for inviting me.





 
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