Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1-19)

RT HON CHARLES CLARKE MP AND SIR JOHN GIEVE KCB

25 OCTOBER 2005

  Q1 Chairman: Good morning, Home Secretary, and Sir John. Thank you for coming this morning, particularly the Home Secretary. You have achieved a remarkable feat of appearing at every public session we have had since September. We may have to stand you down for a week or two. We are grateful to you. Today is the annual meeting when we look at a whole range of issues arising from the work of the Home Office. May I start with one straightforward point about procedures? The Home Office Department's Annual Report currently contains a section which lists the Department's responses to recommendations of the Public Accounts Committee. Would you agree for the future that the annual report might also list the Home Office's responses to recommendations from this committee?

  Mr Clarke: That is fine with me.

  Sir John Gieve: I would rather do neither in a way because it will add about 90 pages to the length of the document, which is already pretty heavyweight and rather expensive. We did send you a report on this. I am very happy to keep sending it back to you with an update. Adding 100 pages to this document, which I suspect does not have all that many readers already, has its costs.

  Mr Clarke: Could we agree, Mr Denham, that we treat the Home Affairs Committee on the same footing as the Public Accounts Committee from this point of view and that we will think about the issue of how best we do it on the website vis-a"-vis the annual report and let you have a letter shortly on that?[1]

  Q2 Chairman: We would welcome that. The point is, obviously, that all the select committees, including this one, are currently spending or intending to spend more time looking at what happened to previous recommendations that we made, particularly sometimes those that were accepted, to see whether they were ever acted upon, rather than always moving on to a new subject. We welcome what you have said. We will come back to the issue. Another issue about relations between the Home Office and this committee: I wrote to you, Home Secretary, on 29 July on behalf of the committee. We expressed concern that when we had our inquiry into Terrorism and Community Relations earlier this year we were not supplied with the relevant information that we might have expected. We were not even told of the existence of a Cabinet Office study on Young Muslims and Extremism, which was later leaked to the press. I did ask that that and any similar documents should be supplied to the committee for our hearing in September. We did receive a copy of the one that had already been leaked, which was useful, but we did not receive any other documents; nor did we ever receive a reply to the letter. I wonder why we have never had a reply to the letter.

  Mr Clarke: I am sorry you have not had a reply to the letter. I have it in front of me. Thank you to you and your colleagues for giving notice that you might raise this question now. The reason why you have not had a reply is that we thought it was not a letter demanding a reply. I am quite happy to reply if you would wish me to do so. Essentially, we accept the position that you set out in the letter as the basis for how we should operate. There is always a definitional point, and I am quoting from your letter, about what are "major internally commissioned research, intelligence assessments and background strategy papers". There is always a question about what those might be because at any given moment there is a vast volume of assessments taking place. They are on a path—and sometimes they have reached Ministers and sometimes they have not reached Ministers—in relation to particular documents. That would be my only qualification. We accept the principle that you set out in that letter of 29 July. I apologise for not answering, as I say. I will now answer giving a positive response to what you have just said.[2]

  Q3 Chairman: Would you accept, Home Secretary, that for the future we should, at the very least, receive any information that you might have to volunteer, had you received a Freedom of Information Act request?

  Mr Clarke: That is an enormous amount. Under the fantastically new regime of the Freedom of Information Act, which I celebrate as a Member who voted for it years ago, the volume of information is enormous. There are literally many filing cabinets of information.

  Q4 Chairman: I am sure you would accept that the paper that was leaked about young Muslims and extremism should, with hindsight, have been provided to this committee when we were carrying out our inquiry on Terrorism and Community Relations. How do you intend to avoid a situation in the future where this committee is not made aware of a document that certainly would have been released, had somebody made a Freedom of Information Act request for it?

  Mr Clarke: The issue of the definition is in your letter. I cited earlier the question of what is "a major internally-commissioned research intended as an assessment and background strategy paper". I did not refer to the next phrase in your letter "directly relevant" and the reason why the document you are referring to, Young Muslims and Extremism, was about the issue of direct relevance or not. I quite understand the committee's argument that it was directly relevant and that was a wrong judgment on our part, and that is a discussion I am quite prepared to accept. I know you will know, Mr Denham, from the vast range of documents that exists at various stages of consideration, that there is simply an enormous amount of documents. I would say as an individual, indeed I say as Home Secretary, that there are far too many documents whizzing around government at this time in any case which do or do not relate into the policy-making process in a direct way. I am not trying to avoid your questions. I am simply saying there is a vast amount of stuff. The questions I think you ought to be particularly interested in are in stuff that might pertain to influencing a policy decision by Ministers on a particular question. That test is a good test but documents like the Young Muslims and Extremism paper do not relate to that.

  Q5 Chairman: The Committee was carrying out an inquiry on Terrorism and Community Relations. Perhaps, Sir John, this lies in your field as much as in that of the Home Secretary. Can you explain why, when this committee was carrying out an inquiry on Terrorism and Community Relations, you or your officials decided that a document called Young Muslims and Extremism was not relevant to the work of this Select Committee? Can you tell us how, in future, you intend to ensure that this Committee is not denied a sight of documents that are relevant to our inquiries?

  Sir John Gieve: I cannot give you a full account of the process we went through. All I would say is that it was a discussion document based on officials' cross-departmental discussions, which we did not intend to publish. It was a think-piece which was informing the discussions we were having then about future policy. What we should have done perhaps more than we did, and what we will do in the future, is to consider explicitly and in each case: is this a bit of work which we should make available to the Select Committee? Your question is: surely there must have been a lot more papers since September which we could have volunteered? I am less clear on that because on the whole, as you will know from your own experience, the papers we prepare tend to be papers giving advice. This was quite an unusual paper in that it was mainly setting the context and giving a diagnosis but without moving on very far into the policy options. For the future, I think we will much more systematically than perhaps we did on this occasion go through the exercise of saying, "Is this something we should publish", or "Is this something we should send to the Home Affairs Select Committee in any event?"

  Chairman: I am grateful to you for that, Sir John. Can we put down a marker from this meeting that the Committee's expectation is that in future we will receive such documents and that there will be a greater openness? I am sure it is an issue to which we will return. Can we move on to look at the issue of prisons?

  Q6 Mrs Dean: Do you accept that fostering a work ethic in prisoners is the best single way of reducing the likelihood of their re-offending?

  Mr Clarke: I do. I would add that if we can tie that fostering of the work ethic to an actual job opportunity after the individual leaves prison, that would make even truer the point which you have just made, which I also accept.

  Q7 Mrs Dean: You will know that the Committee's report on Rehabilitation of Prisoners stated that "hardly anywhere in the prison estate does the work regime yet reflect the structured working week found in outside work". Do you accept that this is deeply damaging? Could you tell us what you are doing to ensure that prisoners do "real" work on a conventional 9 till 5 basis?

  Mr Clarke: There are a number of things about this. Firstly, I think the Committee was right to make recommendations in the first place and was right to observe that a great deal remains to be done. Secondly, I think there have been significant improvements and significant changes in the recent period, but nothing like at the pace that is required. That is the reason why, in a speech at the beginning of September this year, I set out a programme, which I believe needs to be followed, of structuring a relationship between employers and people within prison, offenders, which gives them not only a structured work experience in prison, which is important, but also a realistic prospect of a job outside afterwards into which they can work. It also requires, by the way, a change in the benefits arrangements as people leave prison and are on their way to work, which I have been discussing, as it happens, earlier this morning and also at previous meetings with the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, as to exactly how we can make changes to achieve just that. We have had an interesting scheme run by Transco, which has made a number of steps in this direction. I can tell the Committee that there is a large number of significant employers who are interested in working forward in this area. We are currently working on developing an alliance of employers who will work with prisoners precisely to generate the kind of work that you have described. My own view is that the power of work experience in prison is multiplied by many factors if there is a job at the end rather than if it is simply a bit of exercise that is gone through in an educational training approach. My big desire, as I set out in a speech at the beginning of September, is to make a relationship between employers and potential employers and people within prison. We are working actively on that at this moment.

  Q8 Mrs Dean: Do you agree with the Committee's recommendations that the regime at Coldingly Prison should be adopted as a model for other establishments?

  Mr Clarke: I do, but in a qualified way. I think the regime at Coldingly is positive and strong and is a good model to look at, but I do not think a model, in the words of the question you have just asked me, is the right way to go. I do not think there is a model which is right. I think in fact there will be a variety of different types of model, dependent on the types of employers that one has in any given circumstances. What the work of Coldingly illustrates is that within the prison system there is a number of areas where good and positive work is being done in this field. The thrust of your committee's report, which I essentially accept, is that even though there are good and positive pieces of work in certain parts of the prison system, there are other areas where that work has not developed in the way that it needs to and we have to universalise what is good. Coldingly is a part of what is good. I personally do not think that "a model" is necessarily the right thing. There will be a variety of different ways of doing this.

  Q9 Mr Clappison: Home Secretary, may I welcome what you have just said about giving priority to work within prison, and in particular creating job opportunities in prison? You said you wished to see this. Are you in fact prepared to be judged as Home Secretary on your success in providing work opportunities for prisoners, involvement of employers both in the private sector and the public sector, and on creating job opportunities for prisoners when they leave prison?

  Mr Clarke: Yes, I am prepared to be judged on that. As I have said at previous times, both in relation to this job and others, the job of a current Cabinet Minister involves judgments across a wide range of different aspects rather than one measure alone. Yes, I am prepared to be judged on that. In fact, I have argued for five different forms of partnership between prison and the outside world, which need massive extra work. One is with employers, for the reasons you said; the second is with the education system generally; the third is with health, particularly mental health, drugs and alcohol; the fourth is with families; and the fifth is providing communities, for example including faiths. Our system should much more focus on those relationships than what we do at the moment.

  Q10 Mr Clappison: As you will be aware, the Committee has visited prisons up and down the country and has found that much more needs to be done on this front. One of the things which we found was particularly damaging to providing education and work opportunities for the prisoners was the high level of disruptive transfers between prisons. Is something being done to address this?

  Mr Clarke: That is a very difficult question. Firstly, I accept the diagnosis completely. I think the constant moving around of people makes it very difficult to get consistent programmes in any given area, or to establish any consistent relationship, for example with a potential employer. Secondly, there is no doubt that while we are as close as we are to the size of the prison estate, it is inevitable there will be a degree of that happening in a way that is unconstructive. What we have to try to do is to get to a situation where we have a much more focused approach. That is exactly what I set out in my speech to the Prison Reform Trust at the beginning of September, and that is the right way to go. For me, it requires a stronger move towards community in prisons so that prisoners are in a closer relationship to their local community. To that end, we are looking currently at the prison estate in a very direct way to see to what extent our prison estate does or does not meet that particular test. It also requires having prisons which are more related to the particular problems and conditions of particular offenders, whether on health or education issues, that we can try and address. There is a very great amount of work that needs to be done before I can answer your committee's recommendations by saying, "We have solved this problem". We are a long way away from that. On the other hand, I think we are on track to do it.

  Q11 Mr Clappison: This Committee and others have noticed that it is very difficult to rehabilitate vulnerable prisons, such as women, members of minority ethnic groups and the mentally ill. Could you say a little bit about specific steps you have taken on that front?

  Mr Clarke: Yes. The approach that we are taking is to have an end-to-end offender management system, whether they are in prison or on probation, whatever it might be, and a process which manages each person individually from the point of view of reducing the possibility of each prisoner re-offending. That means doing an audit of the health conditions, which include some of the issues you have just raised—mental health, alcohol and drug abuse; it means looking at their educational attainment. As you know, literacy and numeracy are major factors for many prisoners. It means looking at their relationships with their communities and their families, and indeed in some cases their faiths, to see how they can be supported and strengthened in the transitions they have to make. That is the ambition of where we want to go. Parts of that are now happening in a far better way. If you look at prison education, for example, there is a much more serious effort to look at people's skills levels than was the case, say, 10 years ago. Some progress has been made in those areas. Since prison health became the responsibility of the NHS in general, there has been a raising of health standards in prison since, say, 10 years ago. I would say we have had a series of quite patchy improvements but we have not put in place the regime I have just described of an end-to-end offender management system which focuses on reducing the re-offending of a given prison, but that is the path on which we are now engaged.

  Q12 Mr Clappison: How long do you think it will take to put in place that type of regime of end-to-end management?

  Mr Clarke: I would say it will be four or five years before you could say it is in place in a way that we could be confidently about. We are currently working on a five-year programme to do that, which we will publish in due course, precisely to be able to answer your question as to how we will phase that in over a period of time. I do not want to detract, Mr Clappison, from what I think has been a great amount of good work done in each of these areas. There have been significant improvements. The commitment of people working in both prisons and probation has been very strong, but we need to do a great deal more, and that will take time to put into effect.

  Q13 Mr Malik: Home Secretary, what reassurance can you give to families and inmates in the context for example of the Zahid Murabek case at the Feltham Young Offenders Institute where he was murdered by a racist inmate with whom he happened to share a cell? More recently, just over a year ago, one of my own constituents was murdered in Leeds Prison. That was allegedly a racist murder. Both inmates and prison officers were alleged to be involved in different ways in both these murders. I am wondering what reassurance you can give in terms of the Home Office's guidance about prison officers identifying risks amongst prison officers and also on formally identifying inmates who are likely to commit racist attacks while in prison.

  Mr Clarke: John may want to add to this. My first response is that any death in prison, whether caused by killing or by suicide, is absolutely tragic and really unacceptable. There is a whole set of things that we need to do to stop that happening. That includes some of the things Mr Clappison was referring to about trying to ensure that the individuals have a purpose and a future that they can identify with through their lives. Secondly, as again I said in the same speech, we need to increase the educational level of people working within the whole of the criminal justice system, both prison and probation. We need to improve that and improve our training in a variety of different ways. Thirdly, we are constantly revising our procedures in such a way as to exclude racist behaviour of the type you have just described in its most extreme form but also at a lower level than the extreme form of a killing in the way that the service is run. These are constant commitments which the senior leadership of the Prison Service in particular, as you asked about prison but it extends to probation as well, is totally committed to achieving.

  Sir John Gieve: May I emphasise that this has been at the top of the agenda of the Prison Service management before and particularly since Zahid Murabek's death where the Prison Service acknowledged immediately that something had gone badly wrong and has put in place a programme to address it. As you know, it has been working with the CRE principally over the last couple of years because the CRE had an inquiry into not just the death of Zahid Murabek but also into race and diversity policies in prison. I am confident we will come to and will keep to a jointly agreed programme of addressing this issue.

  Q14 Mr Winnick: On prison overcrowding, Home Secretary, and you will know that last Friday the figures were 77,774, it appears that the operational capacity is about 78,200 places. In view of the continuous rise in the prison population, is it not likely that simply space is going to run out?

  Mr Clarke: It is very close, as you say, as the figures you gave, Mr Winnick, indicate. We are building more capacity and the current 78,000 figure that you mentioned is already scheduled to increase to over 80,000 by 2007. You are, nevertheless, right and you are particularly right at this time because the increase in the prison population since the beginning of September has been at a very high level for a number of reasons. That does put pressure on the system in exactly the way that you describe. We have already taken a number of steps to deal with that and we are considering taking further steps to deal with it, both in the immediate term and in the medium term. For example, we are bringing accommodation back into use much quicker than anticipated; that has brought in 470 extra places by the end of October. We are looking at the situation very closely.

  Q15 Mr Winnick: The situation is vastly different, is it not, from, say, 20 years ago? In 1985, for instance, the number of prisoners was 46,234. Ten years ago, it was 50,982. So in those 10 years there was an increase of just over 10%. From 1994 to the end of last year, not including this year of course, it rose by over 46%. All the indications are that it is going to continue to rise. Would you agree with that view?

  Mr Clarke: Not entirely. I think it is necessary to address a number of different issues. Issue one: we have a very large number of remand prisoners in prison at the moment, 13,000 to 14,000. The question is: is that higher or lower than it should be and could we improve the way that we take decisions in courts to reduce the number of people on remand in prison? We think we can and, working with our colleagues in the courts and the CPS, we are seeking to do that. Point two: there is a significant number of people on very short-term custodial sentences where there is a real question, for the reasons implied by Mr Clappison's question, as to whether it would not be far better for some of them to be on community sentences. With the regimes we now have, following the 2003 legislation, there is a far more focused ability to try both to punish people more, because I think it is more of a punishment to be doing work in the community than it is to be in a custodial place in prison, and to do something more rehabilitative. On the other hand, I think we need stronger sentencing in the case of some of the more serious offences, the violent offences and so on, to make sure that people are not a risk to the public in the way that things happen. We have to rebalance the system therefore in those different directions. We are determined to do that. Within that, there are factors which I find very surprising. For example, 12 to 13% of the occupants of British prisons at the moment are foreign nationals. That is a very large number indeed. If you look at the period from 2000 to 2005, the number of British nationals in British prisons increased by about 11%. The number or foreign nationals in British prisons increased by about 75% over that period. If the foreign nationals had increased at the same level and percentage as British prisoners, we would have about 3,500 fewer prisoners in prison than we do today. That does mean that the overcrowding issues you are describing would not be acute, even on just that one measure. To take a different example, there are about 800 British prisoners in other EU prisons and about 1800 EU prisoners in British prisons. I am not quite sure why that disparity has arisen in this way. We are looking at that. There is a number of issues of this type and that means that in my opinion we need to look in a much more focused way upon the prison population and whether prison is the right way of dealing with their position. In some cases, heavy sentences may be necessary. In other cases, community sentences may be necessary. That is precisely the process we are now going through. With the Sentencing Guidelines Council, the system has a capacity to address this in a more considered way. I am sorry to give such a lengthy answer, Mr Winnick. The reason I do so is because there is often a very glib—and I do not criticise you or the Committee for that—look at a number, e.g. 80,000 or 78,000, and then to say that is the issue. It is very important to get beneath that number to the different types of prisons and different circumstances and to decide on the best way of dealing with those.

  Q16 Mr Winnick: Returning to your earlier answer, Home Secretary, and I accept the necessity of what you describe as a lengthy answer, but certainly justified in the circumstances, is it intended, for example, to extend the use of Home Detention Curfew by, say, 45 days, as some newspapers reported? Together with that, perhaps you could answer the question whether police cells will continue to be used as appropriate.

  Mr Clarke: Both of those are measures that we are able to look at. For example, on police cells, there were decisions taken a few years ago precisely to do that. It is undesirable in many respects to do that because the police need the cells for their own purposes in the way they operate. It would be undesirable also in principle to change the detention curfew arrangements. Either of those might be necessary. No decision on either has been taken but all those matters, and others, are kept under review in dealing with the situation that we currently face.

  Q17 Mr Winnick: May I ask you this, Home Secretary? I do not know whether you have had the time today to read the newspapers. The lead letter in The Times, signed by one of your predecessors, Douglas Hurd, by Martin Narey and Lord Justice Woolf, argues that the prison policy is a very critical one. I do not suppose you would dispute that for one moment. They refer to the acute overcrowding and then argue for a royal commission. This is a letter signed by people who have obviously held the most senior positions both in politics in law. In view of their comments, do you have any feelings at this stage that what they argue in today's newspaper should be very carefully considered?

  Mr Clarke: I have not had a chance to read the papers today, nor have I seen the letter. Your mentioning it, Mr Winnick, is the first time I have heard of it. I have, however, discussed this issue in detail with Lord Hurd in his capacity as Patron (or whatever the correct title is) of the Prison Reform Trust. We have had meetings to discuss this. I discussed it with Lord Woolf when he was Lord Chief Justice and with Martin Narey, of course, when he had responsibility for these matters within the Home office until a few weeks ago. My own view is that there are serious issues, and as I say I have not seen the text of the letter, which need to be debated. I think that was the sense of both my answers to your questions but also the speech I gave to the Prison Reform Trust. Personally, I am very sceptical indeed about the merits of royal commissions in this area or any other. I do not believe they are a good way of proceeding. I think, despite Mr Denham's concerns about how seriously the Home Office takes the Select  Committee's recommendations, that select committees for example are at least as good a way of dealing with matters as a royal commission, and so I am not in favour of a royal commission approach, but I am in favour of a public debate about these issues in a focused way.

  Q18 Mr Winnick: No doubt you will read the letter at some stage and reflect further.

  Mr Clarke: I will make a point of reading it later today.

  Q19 Chairman: I think that the Home Office have no more intention of following the recommendations of a royal commission than they do of a Select Committee.

  Mr Clarke: I am very keen to follow the recommendations of a Select Committee!


1   See Ev 38 Back

2   See Ev 38 Back


 
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