Select Committee on Home Affairs Additional Written Evidence


29.  Memorandum submitted by UKCOSA

INQUIRY INTO THE POLICY AND PRACTICE OF IMMIGRATION CONTROL

  1.  We have been asked to present evidence for your inquiry and, in particular, on the size and nature of abuse relating to international students and ways in which it might be minimised in the future.

UKCOSA

2.  I am doing so on behalf of UKCOSA: The Council for International Education, the UK's national advisory body serving the interests of international students and those who work with them.

3.  Our members include all UK universities, those colleges which are active internationally and a range of specialist and representative bodies. The Chair of our Board of Trustees is Dame Alexandra Burslem (formerly Vice Chancellor, Manchester Metropolitan University) and our President is Sir John Hanson, Warden of Green College Oxford.

4.  Our funds come from our members and via a block grant from the Department for Education and Skills (DfES) and we sit on both the DfES led Prime Minister's Initiative (PMI) Strategy Group and the Home Office led Joint Education Taskforce (JET).

SUMMARY

5.  I explained that we would have two main points to make.

—    Firstly that neither we nor, to the best of our knowledge, anyone else has any reliable data on the scale of immigration abuse via the student route—though a number of unsubstantiated or misleading statements have been made over the last couple of years.

—    Secondly that whilst there are obviously defects in the current system we are optimistic that what is about to be formally proposed under the new Points Based System could lead to improvements both for international students and in terms of effective immigration control—if developed sensibly, possibly piloted in some areas and carefully monitored and evaluated.

BACKGROUND: THE CURRENT SYSTEM

6.  As the Committee will be aware, under the current system, students apply for and obtain entry clearance on the basis of, amongst other things, an offer letter from a UK institution. Given the current system for admission to courses, they may receive multiple offers (and especially for a postgraduate course which has no central applications system). Given the time scale, however, they often apply for a visa on the basis of the first received and make their final decision on which to choose later. The result is that it has been difficult for institutions to predict who will and who will not arrive and enrol and it has been impossible—or not thought necessary—for government to track individuals from entry clearance application to arrival and enrolment.

7.  Some students may go to the institution which issued them with the offer which they presented when making their entry clearance applications; others will decide to go to other institutions in the UK which they subsequently decide they would prefer; some decide to go to "competitor" countries instead; and some decide, for a host of reasons, to stay at home.

8.  Following what appeared to us to be, in many ways, a political response to public opinion and the media, an announcement was, as you know, made in April 2004 of a "crack down on bogus students and bogus institutions".

9.  The Home Office visited and closed down or removed from their approved list several hundred apparently "bogus" colleges and the DfES Register of Learning Providers was introduced later that year. Both of these steps were in principle, sensible. There had obviously been a degree of abuse and we supported the moves. There were (and presumably still are), without doubt, some elements within the private sector which are not reputable, have little interest in legitimate students, often misleading them, taking their money, not providing credible courses—and sometimes, as comes to light occasionally on our advice line, illegally withholding individuals passports and/or threatening to report them to the Home Office unless they pay substantial fees (for which they obtain little value).

10.  They damage the UK's reputation for quality, they feed off innocent students and they contribute to abuse.

11.  Can we emphasise however that this is a relatively small number of colleges in the private sector and that, whatever new systems are introduced, must monitor most carefully their activities and not place additional hurdles in front of the vast majority of legitimate international students who choose to come to the UK; nor hefty new costs or requirements on the majority of good quality UK universities and colleges (including of course the whole of the public sector).

  12.  As we say, there were, in 2004 and 2005, a range of misinformed reports on the scale of abuse most of them coming from a complete misunderstanding of the way in which visas are issued and academic offers accepted (see above). At one time, and following we believe some enquiries by UKvisas attempting to match the names of students to whom visas had been issued with those who had actually arrived at the specific UK institutions, a figure of "5,000 missing students" was reported in the media. We challenged the figure in the Joint Education Taskforce and were re-assured to be told that it had not come from any Home Office or ministerial statements or briefings (presumably as there were, as we all know, no reliable figures known).

THE NEW SYSTEM

13.  We are, as I say, expecting to hear early next month the government's detailed proposals for a new Points Based System and have been working closely with the Home Office, through the Joint Education Taskforce, on some of the core principles and aspects of implementation.

14.  We expect them to include, in particular, student visas (ie Tier 4) linked to institutions and a new form of "Sponsors Register" with new criteria including educational quality (though we continue to oppose the totally inappropriate use of the term "sponsor" within an educational context).

15.  We understand that the first Register was developed in a virtually impossible time-scale responding to political requirements and argued at the time that it would be inadequate if applicants were merely required to show that they were "legitimately established businesses" with sets of accounts and floor plans. The educational part of the new "Sponsors Register" needs to be robust, respected, carefully monitored (and ideally include a Code of Standards and a clear complaints mechanism).

16.  This Register, together with visas linked to institutions (but with simple and inexpensive transfer arrangements continuing to allow flexibility) could, we believe, be the key to significant improvements.

17.  There are however aspects which continue to give us cause for concern.

—    We have heard little for instance on the question of enforcement. Student X has a visa to go to college Y (perhaps chosen because of prestige). But if s/he does not turn up deciding to register at perhaps a cheaper and less prestigious establishment (as currently sometimes happens) or not to pursue studies at all, what action will be taken? The only answer we have received so far is that somehow college Y will be penalised whilst it may be no fault of theirs and we have nothing on action against individuals. It is as if they should have recruited more reliable students and if they do not, their status as sponsors will somehow be reduced.

—    The whole system relies therefore on shifting the responsibility from the Home Office and onto institutions, most of which (at least in the public sector) have not hitherto been found to be at fault but may now have to invest in new systems to cover aspects of abuse which have not been quantified or linked to particular sub sectors.

—    It could upset future patterns of recruitment—with our leading universities and colleges not accepting students from certain parts of the world as they could increase `risk' and damage their status as a "sponsor". The implications of this for our links with, in particular, key countries in the developing world could be significant and need consideration.

—    Finally, the cost of the system must be a critical measure of whether or not it is worth the potential or suggested benefits. We have heard virtually nothing on this subject and await the results of the Regulatory Impact Assessment. If it will result in significant cost increases to "sponsors" (including the majority for which there has been no substantiated evidence of abuse) or to students, whilst bringing only marginal improvements, there will clearly be substantial opposition to implementation from the education sector.

18.  There are, therefore, still many aspects to be agreed but in principle it is our view that what is being proposed could, if appropriately designed and costs carefully controlled, have benefits to the immigration system, to the sector and to the international students themselves.

19.  This final aspect is, we believe, fundamental, at a time when we also expect to hear detailed plans for the next phase of the Prime Ministers Initiative to attract more international students to the UK, against massive international competition.

20.  Immigration control is essential but so is our success in attracting the best young brains to the UK in the future, avoiding unnecessary new burdens on the vast majority of the sector and enabling and encouraging the vast majority of legitimate students to come to the UK with ease whilst continuing to crack down robustly on what is a very small rogue element.

Dominic Scott OBE

Chief Executive

24 February 2006





 
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