Select Committee on Health Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 440-459)

PROFESSOR SIR LIAM DONALDSON

24 NOVEMBER 2005

Q440 Mr Amess: I am a bit disappointed that you have decided that you cannot be precise. I would have thought that at least to shut me up you would have given me two or three. Are you familiar with the study conducted in California by Professors James Enstrom and Geoffrey Kabat, which suggested there is no link at all between second-hand smoke and ill health?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: Yes I am.

Q441 Mr Amess: What is your view of their research?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: Firstly, the study was carried out by the researchers who were partly sponsored by the tobacco industry, so there was a clear conflict of interest there. Secondly, it was using data from the American Cancer Society. The American Cancer Society subsequently disowned the study and criticised it on the fact that the methods used were unreliable and misleading. Quite honestly, I do not think that study stands up to any scientific scrutiny whatsoever, leaving aside the conflict of interest in the funding which to me is tantamount or comparable to a research study on organised crime being funded by the Mafia.

Q442 Mr Amess: Why do you think the study reported that there was no adverse effect?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: Because they carried out a study with a flawed methodology which led them to the wrong conclusions.

Q443 Mr Amess: I am delighted that you are aware of that study which helps the argument in terms of the ban. It is just a bit surprising and disappointing that you cannot refer me to any studies to reinforce your view.

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: You have had all the detailed documents. I can refer you in detail to individual reports which have synthesised the research evidence. I did not expect that we would use up all our time going through their research evidence in detail.

  Mr Amess: This is a Select Committee. It is up to us to ask the questions. It is not for the Chief Medical Officer to determine which questions he would feel comfortable with or not. I am very disappointed and surprised that you cannot refer me to any scientific evidence base in terms of this inquiry. I would have thought it was an obvious question.

Q444 Chairman: You were presented last November with the Scientific Committee on Tobacco and Health's (SCOTH) Report.

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: Yes.

Q445 Chairman: Has that been challenged by anybody?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: No, it has not. That is one of the expert reports that I was referring to.

Q446 Mr Burstow: We have read your Annual Report for 2004 with great interest. In the report you say that the proposals for smoke-free public places set out in Choosing Health did not go far enough. I wonder if you could tell us how we could go further to meet your concerns.

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: I think the case for widening the present proposals to all enclosed public places and workplaces is a very strong case both on health grounds, on grounds of public opinion and I think even on economic grounds, looking at the data from other countries which I analysed in my 2003 report.

Q447 Mr Burstow: So widening would mean a ban more along the lines of the Irish ban or something else, would it not?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: Yes it would.

Q448 Mr Burstow: Can you also say a bit more about what you think the effects of a partial compared to a comprehensive ban would be in terms of health inequalities and health outcomes?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: The present proposal, which is a partial ban, I think is unsatisfactory for a number of reasons. Firstly, it leaves those most exposed to second-hand smoke unprotected. Secondly, it loses out on the opportunity to reduce the prevalence of smoking and ill health from second-hand smoke as a consequence. Thirdly, in my view it will actively increase health inequalities for two reasons: first of all, pubs and bars in the northern part of England which already have high levels of inequalities are more likely to be pubs that do not serve food; secondly, I think pubs in similar areas which currently serve food may stop serving food in order to allow smoking to take place. It also signals to the public that a drink and a smoke go hand-in-hand when all the efforts on smoking and tobacco control have been aimed at de-normalising smoking and I think it puts Britain amongst the laggards of public policy health making internationally rather than the global leaders. Finally, I think the extension to the licensing laws will increase the period when bar workers will be exposed to second-hand smoke.

Q449 Mr Burstow: It has been put to us from some sources that we should not be so worried because only 1% of the workforce will remain unprotected after the ban as currently envisaged is implemented. Is that a fair way to characterise the policy insofar as that 1% are likely to be the ones at most risk of exposure in the first place?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: No, I do not think it is fair and I do not think we can be clear either about the numbers because at this stage we do not know what the policy of the pub and leisure industry will be to continuing to serve food or not serve food.

Q450 Mr Burstow: In the Annual Report you make reference to the—at that point—"upcoming consultation on the proposed consultation to create smoke-free restaurants" and you talk about that providing an opportunity to strengthen the approach originally planned. What did you have in mind when you wrote that?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: The point I was making there was that the proposals for this hybrid arrangement of smoking and non-smoking bars and pubs would be subject to consultation. My own feeling, having read already the public opinion surveys and the views of experts, was that the consultation would persuade the Government to widen the proposals in the way that I had recommended.

Q451 Mr Burstow: Would you say that the evidence around this hybrid policy was what you might call sound evidence-based policy?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: No, I do not think it is and that is why I strongly recommended a different approach.

Q452 Dr Stoate: Can I first of all compliment you on your wonderful clarity and your directness in the answers because you have put your position extremely clearly and that is very helpful to the Committee. Given that you are the Chief Medical Officer and you advise ministers in exactly the same tone as you have advised us, why do you think ministers are nevertheless deciding to go for a partial rather than a total ban given the strength of your evidence?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: I think it is rare for the Government to ignore the advice of its Chief Medical Officer or to fail to act on it. This is the first situation I have encountered in the seven years I have been in post when this has happened. I think I probably have to point to the fact that the policy that is currently being run with was in the Labour Party manifesto before the election and I guess on political grounds there are some difficulties in a party departing from its manifesto commitment, but I could not, and should not, be part of the political process that led to the manifesto being drafted, so I do not know why that proposal was put in so firmly in the way it was.

Q453 Dr Stoate: As far as you are concerned, on purely health grounds and the protection of health force grounds, there is absolutely no argument whatsoever for anything other than a total ban, is there?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: No argument whatsoever. Other countries are falling like dominos into that position.

Q454 Dr Taylor: Thank you very much for being so clear. When we were in Dublin the experts said that to introduce a partial ban would be an absolute disaster because it would make it much more difficult to go on to a total ban. Do you agree?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: I do not know whether it is more difficult to go on to a total ban. I think it is an unworkable situation. The Norwegians introduced not exactly this form of ban but a hybrid arrangement in the mid-1980s and they found that it was unworkable and it was regularly flouted and as a result they brought in a total ban in 2004. Mr Arculus, the Chairman of the Better Regulation Task Force, also has commented to us that he thinks it would be extremely difficult to regulate.

  Dr Taylor: We have just heard from the previous witnesses that enforceability would be very, very difficult.

Q455 Mike Penning: In the seven years you have been in post clear medical advice to our ministers has been ignored completely. Does that not put you in a very difficult position?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: It has put me in a difficult position and I have had to think hard about what I want to do about that position. There are some areas where if your advice is ignored and it damages the public health you would have to consider resignation if you were in my position. I have thought very, very carefully about that. My feeling is that I have championed this so far. When I produced my first Annual Report in 2002 nobody was calling for this to happen. I have pushed it so far. I have re-emphasised it in my 2003 and 2004 reports. I have spoken publicly in opposition to the Government's policies on this one area, which is an unprecedented position for a Chief Medical Officer, and therefore my feeling is that this will eventually come and it is more likely to come if I stay in my post and continue to champion it.

Q456 Mike Penning: If they introduced the legislation as it is at the moment we would have a robust debate in the Commons. If they push forward with the proposal for a partial ban, which would not bring the medical benefits that clearly you passionately believe the public need, would you then have to consider your position again?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: I think I would continue to champion the need for a change in whatever law happens to be eventually produced.

Q457 Dr Naysmith: Like everyone else, Sir Liam, I am very impressed with your frankness. This is one of those kinds of electric moments that happen from time to time and I think we are all recovering a little bit from the shock. I was going to ask some rather mundane questions about the National Health Service and I will come to those in a moment. Given everything you have said, why do you think this was treated as a public health policy rather than a Safety at Work Act policy and overseen by the DTI rather than the Department of Health because this is where much of the problem comes from really, is it not?

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: I think there have always been two principal objections in most countries. One is the economic argument that the leisure industry and the hospitality industry would lose profits, it would harm them. I think that is largely refuted by the experience of other countries and some of the economic analysis. The second one is an ideological one, which is really that you should preserve the freedoms of the minority to smoke. I suppose linked to that is that you do not want to be branded with being part of a "nanny state" and that is then a matter of opinion about whether such an argument should hold sway.

Q458 Dr Naysmith: Some would say that the reason they have gone so smoothly is because it is seen as a health and safety at work issue and once you use that argument there is no argument against it.

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: Certainly when we talked to the people in New York City who, as you know, were one of the earliest authorities to go into this territory, the campaigners used some very interesting tactics. They sent a questionnaire to all the people who were going to be standing for elected office and they asked them if they would fill out a questionnaire stating trade union by trade union whether they were in favour or against protecting the health of the workers in that trade union. If they refused to answer the questionnaire their name was to be published in a newspaper. When those officials were elected, including Mayor Bloomberg, they called in the questionnaires that they had got signatures on. They very much pushed the position of the worker as predominant in these arguments. On the question of freedom, as I have said in my Annual Report, for those who have not seen the little paragraph that I wrote, when I went to California on holiday three years ago, where it is completely smoke free, I spoke to a female bar worker on the West Coast and I asked her how she was enjoying the change and the smoke-free atmosphere and I said, "But you're a great country that puts a great deal of store on freedom of the individual. Hasn't this been a problem?" and she said, "Your freedom ends where my nose starts." I thought that was a very good way of putting it.

Q459 Dr Naysmith: That brings us in a rather round about way to what you think the policy should be in National Health Services' premises which you have some responsibility for.

  Professor Sir Liam Donaldson: The previous Government in 1992 set out a policy that the NHS should be smoke free. That was never implemented. We now have a policy to make NHS premises smoke free by the end of 2006. I think it should have happened a lot earlier, but there we are.


 
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