Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 54-59)

MR BRENDAN GORMLEY

6 JUNE 2006

  Q54 Chairman: If I can say thank you for being so patient. I apologise because the consequence of this, as you have seen, is that our Committee is drifting away because we have gone past the time, although you will have heard a lot and obviously there will have been discussion about it. We only have about 15 minutes or so. I am just going to perhaps give you one question and then I am going to call in Joan Ruddock and Ann McKechin because I know they have got to go quickly to give them a chance. On the basis of what we have just heard, the DEC was set up to coordinate fundraising initially but now there seem to be some expectations that it will develop its mandate. Can you explain what it is at the moment and is there a case for it becoming more of a regulatory body?

  Mr Gormley: As you say Chairman, the DEC has been around since the mid 1960s and has ebbed and flowed in the public consciousness. We have a very clear and simple mandate, I think, which is to assist those who are suffering by raising more money in collaborative mode than the member agencies can in competitive mode. If they could do what we do and "as successfully" then we would happily bow out. Our bottom line is to raise money. We do that though, we hope, by being accountable so we have a strong strand within our mandate to say that we have a responsibility to report back to donors and hopefully also to report back to the beneficiaries of the actions undertaken by our members. A third strand of that clear fundraising mandate is to help the members improve so that we can go back to donors and say we are learning, we are improving. Broadly, we are in the business of creating a relationship with people and hopefully strengthening their trust in the members' capacity to do things. What we are not is a policy or advocacy forum, so I am not mandated to take on advocacy or policy work on behalf of the members and, as you heard from some of my colleagues, we are not operational so in our jargon it is the members who are responsible for spending the money; we are responsible for reporting back on how that has been used. As you have said, clearly over the last two or three years the profile, sadly, of the DEC and the members that we represent in fundraising terms has gone up and therefore we have raised over half a billion pounds in the last two years so there are clearly huge new pressures on us, and the trustees are looking hard at what those responsibilities might mean in terms of membership, in terms of membership criteria, in terms of relationships with other donors and with DFID. So how can we make sure even if we have separate functions that we are talking effectively, given that we all want to minimise suffering. There are key areas that we are looking at, but I would be surprised in a way if we moved away from our core mandate. Collectives are so difficult to manage. If you keep it simple you have some chance of being effective. I think we will stay as an appeal-based fundraising mechanism.

  Q55  Ann McKechin: Mr Gormley, you said you have been formed for a long number of years but the organisations which form part of the DEC have radically changed in recent years and many of them are now international, global organisations rather than simply ones based here in the United Kingdom or within Europe. As I understand it, the funds that the DEC raise are shared amongst the various member organisations according to the size of the organisation but not necessarily in terms of their actual existing footprint in any particular country where a disaster may emerge. It was put to me by someone who actually worked with one of your members in Pakistan that when the crisis emerged after the earthquake, funds were allocated simply according to the size of the organisation rather than according to the size of their presence in Pakistan, so in some cases a smaller organisation could have had a much bigger presence already existing in Pakistan and be much better able to deal quickly with the emergency, whereas other organisations got a much larger share but actually had a fairly small footprint in Pakistan and were struggling to deliver the amount of money they received in terms of aid delivery. Is there a case now as the membership of the DEC changes to actually allocate the funds according to what their existing presence is in any particular country where an emergency should arise?

  Mr Gormley: I think you have put your finger on probably one of the most difficult tensions that I have to manage. I will be absolutely honest about that. The choices are, does the DEC become a grant-making body and build up, as it were, a bureaucracy that can make those decisions in grant-making mode in those 48/36 hours or do we have some sort of shadow indicator of capacity? We have gone down the path of saying that we will have a shadow indicator of what our member has spent over the last three years on humanitarian work and that is the formula that we run. As you rightly say, that means in some places Oxfam might be very large globally but for whatever reason has moved out of Kashmir and has had no presence for the last three years so should they be getting 18% of the funds? What we have tried to do is compensate for that allocation. We are only a five-person team, we have not built up any bureaucracy but we basically say, "You have an entitlement to this," but the sting in the tail is to say, "Oxfam, do you really need it?" I am empowered by the trustees to have what is called a "robust" dialogue with my members. I know who is getting DFID grants, I know who is on the ground, I have been around the block a few times. It is now perfectly normal for our members not to take up their allocation and to put the money back in the pot. So we have a robust dialogue. The third bit is we have a commitment to independent evaluation and if members have taken money and then are shown not to have used it strategically or wisely within the timeframe, that will be published, and it is wonderful how that helps my job.

  Q56  Ann McKechin: So transparency is important?

  Mr Gormley: There are checks and balances. Every time we come back to see if we can find a cleverer formula we lose patience and energy, but it is a reasonable challenge. What we tend to do, because most of the members are partner-based, is fund third parties, whether they are from the UK or nationally, and that is how the DEC money then moves out through the 12 or 13 members. In answer to an earlier question, it is quite normal for several of our members not to participate in an appeal. CAFOD[3] did not work in Niger. They said, "We do not have the capacity. We will put the totality of our allocation back in the pot." So I prefer good behaviour, transparency and robust dialogue to a formula; but we still need a formula.

  Ann McKechin: Thank you.

  Q57  Joan Ruddock: Obviously we are very interested in your relationship with DFID. I wonder if you can give us an example of a recent appeal made by DEC and how you worked with DFID over that particular appeal and the disbursement of funds?

  Mr Gormley: I think my starting point would be to say that DFID has a responsibility for taxpayers' money and the DEC has a special responsibility for what families want to give over and above what they have put in through their taxes. So I am very clear with DFID that we have a mandate and they have a mandate. We both want the same things but we have a different way of achieving it. I am quite careful that the DEC secretariat does not get between DFID and our members so we do not take funds and funds are not passed through the DEC mechanism from DFID. We do get Gift Aid from the Treasury. The major relationship needs to be an operational one and that is done directly. What we have is an informal relationship. I will phone up DFID, they will phone me up if it is a sudden onset disaster and especially if it is a slow-onset disaster to say, "Are you likely to be doing an appeal?" We will share information and we co-host meetings. We have just had two on Africa in the last month. But when we move into fundraising mode we are quite careful to keep that separate because you can appreciate that for governments in the UK over time, in one sense a DEC appeal is an admission of failure so a Secretary of State would normally want to say, "We have solved that problem. We have put the funds in and we have stopped the problem." In one sense if I have to go to the public it is because the system has broken down. So sometimes DFID is quite nervous about the DEC having an appeal because in some senses it is an admission of failure.

  Joan Ruddock: You surprise me.

  Mr Gormley: Things have changed partly because of the remarkable generosity of the British public and, hence the nature of the debate now, certainly over the tsunami, was that DFID got into some difficulties going public by saying, "We are going to match what the British public are going to do." Clearly that was not a sustainable strategy. I was very careful in my interviews to say no, we are not going to get into a trumping war. DFID has got different responsibilities. We obviously work best when there is a very high-profile emergency. We should not let DFID off. They should not try and trump the British people on this one. What they should do is make sure they are meeting the slow-onset or the low-profile emergencies. Again, we have a dialogue about where we can work collectively together, what are the political and immediate imperatives that the Secretary of State has, just as we have in terms of choosing an appeal. The bottom line is we try and keep the two instruments separate.

  Joan Ruddock: That is very helpful, thank you.

  Q58  John Battle: A question on coordination and particularly the role DEC has got in pulling together the agencies and their partners in the field. I know that you do not have many staff but do you think the remit should be expanded to coordinate working between DEC partners and between the agencies? Could you take that on?

  Mr Gormley: Formally our role stops at Dover so we are very proactive in enabling the agencies to talk to each other—we run tele-conferences and we run workshops—so that we are very hands-on in making sure information at this end is being properly managed. The majority view within the membership is that they have to look in so many different directions at once. As we were saying, they have to look to their families, their international federations. They have to engage with the UN system, they have to engage with OCHA, they have to engage with the host government. The consensus by the practitioners is that artificially transporting the DEC mechanism to Banda Aceh does not necessarily add value, ie, they already have enough fora within which they should be coordinating. As you have probably seen in our evaluations that we commission however, because coordination is still an unresolved issue, it still needs working on, it does come up that DEC agencies—because they are used to talking to each other here, they come from the same culture, and most of the money is coming from one place—they do like to talk to each other. So informally there are DEC structures meeting in most of the places. In Mozambique, which was picked up earlier, there is still a DEC inter-agency meeting. That is what it is labelled and it is invited to government meetings. So where it adds value it probably happens but as a strategic emphasis for myself and the team here, we do not insist that they have to work, as it were, through a DEC collaborative mechanism. Our bottom line is we raise the money by saying this situation is so awful that the leading agencies want to work together to resolve it. So what we evaluate is that there are demonstrable commitments to coordination. If we see that there are members that are really not playing the game in terms of liaising with the host government or with OCHA or whatever, we think that is unacceptable, but we do not go as far as saying that the solution is the DEC model transposed.

  Q59  John Barrett: You mentioned earlier on about your responsibility to the taxpayer and your own responsibility to those who have contributed funds and the need to be open and accountable, but there are clearly concerns following the case of the tsunami evaluation which ended up with two reports as to what was going on circulating, one being leaked to the press and appearing on Newsnight, and it did not give the overall impression of openness and accountability. Could you comment on what happened there and also how you hope to move forward and reassure people, because there are substantial sums of money involved, that things are open and transparent? Was that a hostage to fortune that people could accuse the DEC of trying to cover up what was going on?

  Mr Gormley: This is a really important issue. I was not sure that it came out in the sessions with the media and their responsibilities. We have, as you say, an absolute commitment to public accountability. The way we have practised that in the past is to commission an independent evaluation which we have plonked more or less into the public domain. For the last two or three years what has happened is that in order to get on the front page of The Guardian or Newsnight and because it tends to be a news slot and therefore 20 seconds to a minute and a half, what gets taken out of those reports is the negative elements. We have had serious discussions with the broadcasters about how they can help us be accountable without eroding the reason for which we are being accountable, which is to sustain and maintain trust with our donors, not hiding things that have gone wrong but at least to give them a fair and honest report back. Whereas five years ago we more or less led the world in public accountability, we got patted on the back for more or less an honest use of the material. Now we are finding that we are having to manage that process and so, for better or worse, we chose over the tsunami to ask the independent consultants to write a report to the board that we would publish. That was a ten-page thing that was on our web site. We also commissioned an internal learning review saying to our members a bit like the pilots where things have gone wrong, let us get the names, let us get the people, let us get the incidents, and it was that report that was leaked to Newsnight. So it was written for a different audience, it was written for a different purpose but it was the one that ended up in the public domain. We do not yet have a solution to how we can be publicly accountable without unnecessarily eroding trust. In fact, we have a trustee group working on it as we speak to see whether we should separate out learning. Is there a way of creating an environment so that the members can learn safely and improve while having an independent contribution back to the British public? How can we ask the media to come and report? That is the other thing, although they are saying they go back it is fascinating, 80% of our donors say their donation was triggered by the TV but to get sustained follow-up for most of the crises it is very, very difficult. We tend to have to find a celebrity. It tends to be celebrity driven. It tends to be the sofas end[4] as to whether you can persuade broadcasters to go back. So I think that there is a lot more we could be doing with the broadcasters to help us report back in an independent manner and at the moment we are struggling to do that effectively, to be honest.



3   Catholic Agency for Overseas Development. Back

4   Note from witness: This phrase was intended to convey the DEC's greater success in persuading celebrities to discuss disaster response issues on chat shows, than in securing mainstream news coverage for analyses of DEC expenditure. Back


 
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