Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 449 - 459)

THURSDAY 15 JUNE 2006

MS SUMI DHANARAJAN, MR DOMINIC EAGLETON, AND DR CLAIRE MELAMED

  Q449  Chairman: As you know, we are at the closing stages of our report on private sector development and we are looking at the way we can expand the private sector in ways that would reduce poverty. This is an opportunity for you to give us your views on the ups and downs of that. Perhaps we could start with a very simple question which all of you can answer, and then pick up from there: How do you see the role of the private sector in developing countries in reducing poverty. What do you think are the pluses and minuses?

  Mr Eagleton: I would like to make it clear that ActionAid thinks a thriving private sector is absolutely crucial to poverty reduction and economic growth. As the UNDP pointed out in its written submission,[1] economic growth and private sector development on its own is necessary for sustainable economic growth and human development but on its own is not sufficient. There needs to be quite intelligent and robust regulation in order to make sure that it is equitable.

  Dr Melamed: Like Dominic, we think the role of the private sector is absolutely crucial. The main thrust of our whole trade campaign over the last five years has been about creating the conditions for domestic private sector development in developing countries. That is what it is about. That analysis carries through into other areas of policy we do where it is absolutely fundamental. I think, however, the Government have a role in two key areas, first of all, in creating the infrastructure and the environment for companies to function—and I am thinking here about banks, regulation and some of the other things that I am sure we will come on to in a minute, and secondly, obviously, in areas of social policy, health and education and so on. In order to do both of those, they need to harness some of those resources from the private sector for development through effective systems of taxation and so on.

  Ms Dhanarajan: I would probably give the same kind of answer. For Oxfam, the main concern is: How can you grow a private sector that is going to make that link between economic growth and poverty reduction? That is the critical thing. How can you create a private sector that is going to do that? We feel there are a lot of automatic assumptions that, by the mere fact that a private sector does generate economic growth, that will lead to poor people being alleviated from poverty. What can we do to make that link?

  Chairman: I think that probably leads into the next question. The two issues are: how do you make the private sector grow, and how do you ensure that, if it does grow, it helps the poor.

  Q450  Ann McKechin: What do you think donors can do to ensure that the private sector is a force for good? A great deal of your written submission[2] is about the issues with mandatory codes, as opposed to voluntary codes, vis-a"-vis the UK Government, but there is very little mention of the sovereignty of donee nations and in determining what should be their priorities, and also the role of domestic legal systems and trade unions making their own decisions or making their own voice heard. I would like to have your thoughts about whether there has been too much emphasis on the donor countries trying to do everything and whether we need to leave some of that to the donee nations themselves.

  Mr Eagleton: An issue that is crucial in this is trying to include the voice of developing country, stakeholders, disadvantaged stakeholders, such as trade unions, such as small producer associations, in the development of donor policy for private sector development. It is absolutely crucial. Most of the voluntary codes and standards from private sector and also donor policies are coming from businesses themselves, and the people to whom they are addressed are generally disadvantaged stakeholders in developing countries, but, by and large, they are excluded from dialogue, the standard setting processes. There is much that the donor community could do to make sure that disadvantaged groups are included in these debates.

  Q451  Ann McKechin: Perhaps I could press you a little on that, because you are asking for mandatory codes for UK companies, for example.

  Mr Eagleton: Yes.

  Q452  Ann McKechin: Who would have the ability to enforce the mandatory code? It would not be foreign nationals, would it?

  Mr Eagleton: We think there has to be a mixture of both voluntary and mandatory codes. It is not a question of there only being mandatory codes.

  Q453  Ann McKechin: You appreciate the problem of enforcement, because we are trying to create a system extrajudicial to the donee nations here in the UK by which the people who are directly affected by these decisions would have no direct involvement. I am wondering where you strike a balance between those two.

  Mr Eagleton: That is the key point to make, striking a fair balance, but the one thing to remember is that a lot of communities that are affected negatively by private sector development that is not regulated properly, that has damaging effects, often have no avenue for redress in their own country, because either the laws are not enforced properly or they are non-existent. For example, communities being able to bring cases in the UK is a really important area. Another example would be the supermarket code of practice. We are told there is no legal conceptual barrier to it applying to overseas suppliers and it actually does apply to overseas suppliers, so, yes, there is so much that can be done in the developing countries themselves but we also have a responsibility in the UK. There is much the UK policy community could be doing; for example, strengthening the supermarket code of practice, which does extend overseas.

  Ms Dhanarajan: It is a critical question to look at. Certainly when we have looked at the whole concept of developing an international law or convention to regulate TNCs[3] for example, one of the questions that we have certainly asked is: What will it do for growing strong governance or domestic legal system in a country? For example, if a Nigerian was consistently having to take cases in the US or the UK courts rather than in Nigeria, you may be in a situation where the Nigerian courts will never be able to develop precedence or jurisprudence to be able to look at corporate accountability within the context of Nigeria. I think it is a phase issue, where, yes, the foremost thing in people's minds must be about how we get victims redress, and if the only mechanism to do so now is to take it under the Alien Tort Claims Act in the US or to develop a similar type of mechanism in the UK, then, fine, however, that does not mean taking your eye off—


  Q454  Ann McKechin: Donors should spend more time in trying to assist in terms of legal structures and enforceability structures within donee nations.

  Ms Dhanarajan: For sure. Governance has to remain an absolutely critical part of the portfolios of private sector development within countries. I used to work in Hong Kong before I joined Oxfam here. It was at the time of the transition, in 1995-97, and one of the key things that the Hong Kong people were concerned about was: "When we move back to the Chinese we cannot lose our rule of law because that is our absolute bastion for attracting the private sector into Hong Kong."

  Q455  Hugh Bayley: Lots of these voluntary codes of the UK banks have relevance to quite a number of government departments and how well coordinated is government policy. What would be your proposals for ensuring that there is a sort of common standard across government for monitoring how these agreements are formed?

  Dr Melamed: It is safe to say that government policy could be much better coordinated in this area. I think there is a cross-Whitehall group which is supposed to deal with these issues which perhaps is less effective than it might be. I think there are specific areas where you can see there is a particularly woeful gap. One that comes to mind is the Export Credit Guarantee Department, for example, where DFID needs to have a much, much stronger authority to look at the kind of support that is being offered to companies through those types of programmes, through a corporate social responsibility lens. That is just one example and I think there are a whole range.

  Q456  Hugh Bayley: Give specific examples of particular businesses or companies that have not been properly regulated.

  Ms Dhanarajan: Gosh, that is a big question to ask.

  Q457  Hugh Bayley: Who have not properly regulated themselves, I think is what we are saying.

  Ms Dhanarajan: There are companies that will be effectively regulating themselves, just because they are positioned as leaders within their sector and really have no choice but to behave in that manner within their sector, and similarly we will have laggards within each sector too. I think it is hard to pull out one particular sector that has not regulated itself well. You will find both in each.

  Q458  Hugh Bayley: I mean some hard meat of: Is there a problem?

  Ms Dhanarajan: There are certain sectors—a phrase that we have started to use—that lend themselves more towards a tendency of "exploiting for profit rather than investing for profit". If you look at the extractive industry, it is probably easier to move towards that, and it is also because the shareholders at the top of the chain are pushing you to deliver a short-term profit-making business model that might suggest that in the current scheme of things the best business model you can use is one that is going to be exploitative. There are others—and I think you have heard from Unilever. The Unilever model is one of embedding in the country. Unilever is not Unilever in Indonesia; it is Unilever Indonesia. They have an absolute interest in Indonesia prospering, which is why they stayed throughout the financial crisis.

  Q459  Hugh Bayley: With respect, that is the same for the extractive industry. In fact one of the complaints that Shell UK have about the NGO complaining about Shell in Nigeria is that they do not control it because it is Shell Nigeria and it is 51% government owned. Surely, with respect to Ann's point, if you want to regulate a Nigerian company, then that should surely be done by Nigerian law.

  Dr Melamed: This issue about the chains of command in companies is a difficult one. In a sense, part of the problem is the opaqueness of relationships between different branches of the same company: they say one thing; the Nigerians say something else. If you look at their accounts they show different kinds of transfer pricing, for example, between those different branches of Shell in Nigeria and in the UK, which indicates a very strong relationship. In a sense, exactly part of the problem is a lack of transparency, so we do not know the right answer to these questions. When Shell says they do not have control, then we are professionally inclined to be very sceptical about that, but we have no way of knowing because they need to make their strategies and their accounting procedures much more transparent. One of the demands of organisations like ours is simply that we have more information about this as a start.

  Mr Eagleton: The corporate veil. An Australian judge recently ruled that is quite often simply a legal fiction. For Shell to say that what is going on in Nigeria is nothing to do with the headquarters in the UK sounds spurious. If they are siphoning profits from there, then you have to wonder.


1   Ev 320 Back

2   Ev 151 Back

3   Transnational Corporations Back


 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2006
Prepared 23 July 2006