Select Committee on International Development Memoranda


Memorandum submitted by Save the Children UK

Recommendations

Introduction

1. Save the Children welcomes the invitation to contribute evidence to the International Development Select Committee in their inquiry on peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction. The evidence from below is mainly from our original research in West and Central Africa, as well as from around the world.

2. In the UK Secretary of State's recent remarks made on January 23rd 2006, we appreciate the emphasis on conflict prevention, and disaster risk reduction and we welcome his personal dedication and engagement in this area. He is right to highlight some of the successes of last year, as well as the changes that are needed. However, the international community's failure to protect children and their communities in Darfur, in DRC, in North Uganda, in Colombia, and in Afghanistan are glaring.[135] If post-conflict peacebuilding fails to address the specific vulnerabilities of children, it fails to serve more than 50% of most refugee and displaced populations.

3. The Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) and the role of the UK

We endorse DFID's commitment to be a leader in post-conflict peace building and to promote the security of the poor. The UN High Level Panel in 2004 identified inadequate peacebuilding as a major weakness in the international system. The World Summit in 2005 committed world leaders to the establishment of a new Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) and Peace Support Office (PSO) to address this, an initiative which was partly driven by the UK Government. In order to be able to promote lasting change, there are a number of issues around the PBC that must be clarified.

4. NGO and civil society engagement

The PBC aims to bring together international organisations such as the UN, the World Bank, and regional actors with key roles to play in order to co-ordinate on peacebuilding. However, the PBC shouldn't overlook the strategic role that local, national and international NGOs play in supporting locally-owned peace processes. Thus far NGOs have had little opportunity to feed into discussions for the establishment for the Peacebuilding Commission. Now that the UN General Assembly Resolution outlining the modalities of the Commission has been passed, and the countries for its implementation chosen, a UN-NGO forum must be set up in each of the countries of implementation (Liberia, DRC and Sierra Leone) to discuss function, modalities, and information exchange. As yet there has been no indication as to how this will work.

5. The PBC has avoided articulating the extent of the involvement of local civil society actors. This is counterproductive; civil society involvement in conflict prevention and peacebuilding is critical to its success, as no peacebuilding work can be sustainable without substantial participation and local ownership from the range of civil society groups. Mechanisms should be set up at the local level to ensure civil society groups are able to meaningfully shape the agenda of the PBC working in their country so that community-led, livelihood-driven solutions are arrived at.

6. Financing of peacebuilding

One of the expected outcomes of the PBC is that more money will be leveraged to fund peacebuilding activities, including DDRR programmes. As such, the PSO should ensure that past mistakes are not repeated - for instance that DD is funded to the neglect of RR. The full financial requirements of the PBC and PSO must be realistically estimated if the bodies are not merely being set up to fail.

  1. Political Pressure for political problems

Conflict-related humanitarian crises are never just about aid effectiveness, they are fundamentally political. While prevention of conflict is the responsibility of national governments, when this fails and conflict leads to serious violation of human rights, the UK and other members of the UN Security Council must not merely apply a "humanitarian aid plaster" but must apply political pressure - both unilaterally and through multilateral channels such as the UN -- to hold governments to account for the protection of children and vulnerable groups. In this vein, the PBC must make formal links with the UN Human Rights Council to ensure that evidence is acted upon.

8. For example, the conflict in Northern Uganda has continued for nearly 20 years with almost total neglect from the international community. Over 1.7 million people are currently confined to internally displaced persons camps. Up to 40,000 children are forced to commute nightly from their villages to sleep in centres of town to avoid abduction by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). In 2002 the Government of Uganda launched Operation Iron Fist, arguing that the only way to end the conflict was to defeat the LRA militarily. The military solution focuses on the physical eradication of the LRA, whose ranks are made up of at least 80% abducted children. Typically the newest abductees and the youngest children are the most likely to be killed during military action.

9. In a recent manifesto produced by Save the Children in Uganda and the Ugandan Parliamentary Forum for Children, children were asked for their priorities for the country's political candidates campaigning for the elections due to take place in February 2006. The children's priorities were overwhelmingly to allow for free and compulsory education for all children in the country, and to end the war in the North.

10.There are common misconceptions that the conflict in Northern Uganda is an internal problem for the Government of Uganda. However, this is not just an internal conflict but one with serious consequences for peace and security in the region. The UK Government must push the Security Council to acknowledge the fact that the conflict in Northern Uganda is a threat to regional and international peace and security, endangering Southern Sudan's peace and further destabilising Eastern DRC. Bringing the situation to the agenda of the UN Security Council would allow for transparent scrutiny and reporting on the political, military and humanitarian situation in that country, and promote responsibility for action rather than ignoring the problems any longer.

11. Applying lessons learned outside of the country and across a region

The UK Government must more assertive about ensuring continuity of learning from one DDRR process to another, and developing mechanisms to ensure that all actors involved - Donors, the UN Department of Peacekeeping, the World Bank, UN agencies, International NGOs, local NGOs and community groups - learn from previous mistakes. In West Africa, for example, a region where the control of national borders is weak, and there is a strong history of covert transport of arms, ammunition and mercenaries, demobilisation and post-conflict reconstruction must be designed with a regional perspective. If lessons from one process are not applied, the problems will just keep shifting across borders but conflict will remain ever-present. One of the reasons for this lack of coherence is the carving up of West Africa donor by donor, so that if the UK leads in Sierra Leone lessons will not be transferred to the US who lead in Liberia.

12. Best practice for peacebuilding

The lessons from West Africa should also be shared with planing for peacebuilding in other parts of Africa and across the world. For decades there has been a large gap in what constitutes best practice in post-conflict peacebuilding, and what would maximise the chances for success. This is the role of the Peace Support Office, which is set up partly to translate best practice to the different actors involved, including donors, the World Bank, and UN security, humanitarian and human rights agencies. Donor governments must improve the joint analysis and lesson learned amongst each other in-region. Meanwhile, the UK government for its part, should also work to ensure that it is better joined up between DFID, the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Defence and the Post-Conflict Reconstruction Unit.

13. Responsibility to Protect

Learning the lessons from failures in Rwanda, the Balkans and elsewhere over the past decade, the Responsibility to Protect principles were endorsed at the World Summit in September 2005. This has the potential to be real milestone in terms of International Community being accountable for the protection of civilians against war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. At present, it is still unknown how the Responsibility to Protect principles will apply in practice. It is clear that the international community has significant responsibility to engage with strong diplomatic and political pressure to any situation where there have been gross violation of human rights, or where large numbers of children face an imminent threat of serious harm or deprivation. There is a range of options the UN Security Council is obliged to explore, and the appropriate response will vary according to the situation. However, the declaration at the end of the World Summit was that these crises should be ignored no longer.

14. Development must be integral in successful post-conflict and peacebuilding work

One of the key roles in the work of a conflict prevention or peacebuilding forum should be to build sustainable livelihoods for the whole community. In research supported by Save the Children, carried out by the Tufts Feinstein International Famine Center (2005) in Afghanistan, Sierra Leone, and Kosovo, local perceptions of peace and security highlighted the importance of development in the building of peace. "There is no peace on an empty stomach", a respondent from Kosovo stated. Another participant in Afghanistan echoed the perception to say "Peace is jobs and electricity." Successful peacebuilding - and local acceptance of the process -- goes hand in hand with building up basic services such as health, education, and infrastructure - and ensuring people have access to them.

15. Youth unemployment, particularly among people aged 15-35s, and the disaffection of youth was an important contributing cause to the momentum of war in Sierra Leone, as it has been in Liberia and Cote d'Ivoire and around the world. A meaningful approach to post-conflict peacebuilding will go beyond limited exercises in military disarmament to address some of the critical issues of structural poverty in order to ensure that the populations - especially vulnerable groups such as children - are served with basic services and market opportunities to improve their lives.

16. In the case of Sierra Leone, DFID's work has recently changed to also look at social development, anti-corruption, private sector regulations, and justice reform. This longer-term support to systems to protect people's rights is welcomed. This kind of approach should be part and parcel of any DDRR planning process in the initial stages, in any future peacebuilding work.

17. Take a long-term approach to reintegration

Roughly half of the countries that emerge from war fall back into violence within the first five years. The successful demobilisation of fighters has emerged as one of the most important aspects to secure post-conflict peace. However, as of yet, the international community's approach to disarmament, demobilisation, rehabilitation and reintegration (DDRR) has been ad-hoc, and at times so disorganised and underfunded as to be counter-productive. Reintegration requires long-term planning and a minimum five-year investment on the part of donors. As of 2005 the DDRR programme in Liberia faced a 63% shortfall, in Afghanistan this was 51% and in DRC a shocking 88%.[136] The gap is particularly apparent when it comes to the demobilisation of children associated with fighting forces.

18. Do not overlook children in reintegration processes

300,000 children have been identified as child soldiers.[137] The number is probably far higher - in at least 60 countries children have been recruited into armies, militias and rebel factions between 2001 and 2004.[138] Children associated with armed forces serve not only as active combatants (often in front-line/pawn roles) but also as porters, cleaners, cooks, mine-layers or used for sexual exploitation . Nearly half of these children -- some 120,000 - are girls, who face atrocious abuse and intense stigmatisation. Many are killed in fighting; most are raped and sexually abused.[139]

19. The importance of education

In addition, nearly all of these children miss out on education, which serves both as a risk factor and as an incentive to fight. Hundreds of thousands of children who miss out on education in the first year of conflict will never go back to school. This leaves them without access to the protection and sense of normality that school affords and severely limits their options for the future. Education must be integral to initiatives for resolution and prevention of armed conflict, post-conflict resolution, peacebuilding and the promotion of security. The UK government should commit to providing education for children as an integral component of every humanitarian response and use the minimum standards for education in emergencies as the framework for ensuring quality.

20. Education programmes should benefit the whole community. Donor's strategy on education should addressing the educational needs of younger children as well as building livelihoods for adolescents, particularly girls with babies, in order to prevent exploitation and re-recruitment of children either nationally or across regional borders. Rather than targeting education of individual children from particular groups, implementers should take measures that will benefit a wider range of children in the community for instance by re-building school infrastructure, initiating teacher training and providing free school meals. Accelerated learning programmes must be set up for children who have missed out on schooling, and educational options provided for girls with childcare responsibilities. Skills training meanwhile can be used to improve household livelihoods. However it's vital while doing this that a wide range of skills training is addressed and such programmes are founded on sound market research on the demand for the skills developed. Start-up kits should be followed-up with continued support.

21. Prevention of Recruitment

As the Secretary of State has rightly emphasised, the prevention of conflict is much more cost - effective than putting off the engagement until after the fighting has erupted. The UK Government should build on the investments made to date on early warning functions and focus on how to prevent the conditions for recruitment of children, particularly child soldiers. In Save the Children's research from West and Central Africa, addressing both voluntary and forced recruitment, hundreds of children and associated adults identified the strategies for preventing this recruitment. Six priority areas for the UK government and international community should be:

  • Ensuring children remain with their families where possible.
  • Ensuring children have proper care and protection at a national level.
    • Reducing the household poverty that pushes many children into armed forces or groups.
    • Giving children viable options such as schooling or skills-training.
    • Provide adequate assistance and security to lessen people's vulnerability to attacks and forced recruitment.
    • Develop community and household-level emergency preparedness plans so that strategies are in place for responding to attacks and safely escaping if necessary.

22. In places where children are at risk of forced recruitment, the International Community has responsibility on two levels. First, any international interventions in development or humanitarian aid must be designed to ensure that they build upon the children's and the community's established coping strategies. One example of this would be assistance to radio broadcasts and other means to establish good information networks; this would allow prior knowledge of troop movements or attacks to be quickly shared with communities, enabling them to plan departures if necessary. Here, involvement of community leaders, teachers, parents and the children themselves are key. Another example is to develop programming to reinforce the security in places to which people flee, such as funding child rights training for local police enforcers and peacekeepers charged with securing camps for displaced people, or ensuring peacekeeping mandates address civilian protection from the point of view of human security. The provision of adequate levels and standards of humanitarian aid are key to these efforts to avoid putting people in a position where they are vulnerable to exploitation.

23. National governments in particular have the responsibility to ensure the safety of all children in their country, particularly those who might become vulnerable due to displacement, separation, marginalisation or extreme poverty. In the case of a national government being unable or unwilling to protect their populations from forced recruitment and attacks -- or when the government is complicit in the abuses -- then the international community, led by the members of the UN Security Council, has the responsibility to protect the most vulnerable. Strong political pressure in a range of forms must come to bear on governments or armed groups who continue to engage in tactics that violate humanitarian law or trample on the rights of children.

24. Demobilisation: Reintegration must be planned and resourced beforehand

The success of current DDRR programmes is still often measured by the number of weapons collected rather than the successful reintegration of former combatants. The reintegration of children is usually left to NGOs and UNICEF, and is invariably underfunded. Donors tend to fund 'DD' but by the time that the 'RR' phase comes along, the money has run out. This is counterproductive, as ex-combatant's dissatisfaction with the process and their economic marginalisation are two key reasons why conflict flares up once again.

25. It is important for Donors to recognise that children need reintegration regardless of formal DDRR processes. Children leave armed forces all the time - whether or not a formal international DDRR process is underway. In Northern Uganda for instance, children are continually trying to escape the clutches of the LRA. Donors must invest in long-term reintegration activities, regardless of a formal DDRR process.

26. Differentiate DDRR: particularly addressing the special need of girls

Children's needs will vary according to factors such as gender, age, disability, ethnicity, and experiences during the war. DDRR programmes must recognise that different groups of children have particular needs that must be addressed in the reintegration process, including the different needs of boys and girls. Despite research showing that girls make up to 40% of all children involved with armed groups, only a few girls participate in formal DDRR processes. For example, in Save the Children's child reintegration programme in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) fewer that 2% of the participants have been girls. In Sierra Leone, just 4.2% of the girls known to have been in fighting forces went through the formal DDRR process. In interviews, girls said that they were put off by the military orientation of the DDRR process. Moreover, they believed that involvement in the process would highlight the fact that they were in an armed groups and increases the chance that they will be stigmatised. With little support and intense resentment from the communities, many girls are forced to turn to sex work, making them even more stigmatised and isolated.[140]

27. Girls in interviews have identified a number of ways that the international community can better help them. At the top of the list is mediation with their communities and families to explain that the girls were coerced into joining the group; this understanding would greatly help reunification with the community. Close behind in priorities were assistance in establishing and maintaining livelihoods, based on an analysis of local markets, and access to schools and skills training. Medical tests and assistance - especially related to reproductive health and sexually transmitted diseases were also considered very important. Few of these services are currently provided for girls in standard DDRR projects. A special pool of funding should be established to meet girls' specific needs during demobilisation and reintegration. Such funds must be independent of any formal DDRR or political processes.

28. DDRR benefits must be inclusive

All children associated with armed conflict should be made eligible for DDRR, whether they have served as combatants or not. Boys and girls suffering similar deprivation to children who have served as combatants must receive comparable benefits. In some communities, ex-child soldiers are treated with a degree of hostility, often enhanced by resentment about benefits from the DDRR process. Reintegration should be as inclusive as possible, building on children's strong desire to be reunited with their families once more. Donor's programmes should be carefully designed at the reintegration phase to ensure that ex-child soldiers are not favoured to the extent that they are resented by others in the community. It is essential that any reintegration programmes are seen to benefit the community as a whole.

29. Involve communities and children in planning

Research undertaken in Sierra Leone in 2004 indicated that children defined reintegration as being loved and cared for by their families, being accepted and welcomed by the community, living in peace and unity with others, having their basic needs, such as food, shelter and water, met, and being able to make productive contributions through skills training, school or work.[141] Family and community support are vital to ensure children get the necessary help to reintegrate after conflict. Research suggests that particularly girls are better reached by addressing community needs for reasons related to their testimonies above - for establishing community protection networks, reintegration into schools, skills training, and avoiding stigmatisation. Save the Children's research into children who resist recruitment highlighted the essential role played by parents and community leaders on many levels. Donors such as the UK Government should ensure that reintegration packages engage a range of stakeholders in shaping and supporting them, including the children themselves, community leaders and teachers. Children's views should be taken into consideration at all times. Community leaders and teachers should become positive forces in shaping attitudes towards ex-child soldiers and single mothers. Donors should also support NGOs in work with communities in order to address social stigmatisation.

30. Follow-up protection for demobilised or separated children

Children face a number of problems in the reintegration into their communities. Save the Children's experience has highlighted the need for children to be provided with follow-up protection and monitoring in the months and years following reintegration. All efforts should be made to reunite a separated child with one or both of their biological parents. Where this is not possible there needs to be careful placement and follow-up support for children in extended family care, including assistance with livelihoods and schooling. However, assumptions should not be made that reunification with relatives means that children are automatically protected. Boys and girls who return to live with extended families can still be highly vulnerable to neglect and abuse. Meanwhile in the case of children who have been fostered by other families, they risk being marginalised or abandoned if the household experiences a change of circumstances or economic hardship. Children who are separated from their families may have lost their registration papers, their birth certificates, their access to school, with few defenders in the face of increased risks. This can leave them vulnerable to street gangs, trafficking, and to exploitative labour practices.

31. Public Information Campaigns

In a precarious post-conflict situation, rumours and misinformation can set off riots, population movements, or even spark new violence. Donors should do more to support public information campaigns that creatively and directly transmit key information, such as outlining all of the steps involved in rehabilitation and reintegration. The provision of accurate and timely information about reintegration programmes would help to ensure that children receive the benefits they are eligible for, and avoid engendering disappointment. Donors and implementing agencies must be honest about the limitations in service provision; they must not make promises that can't be kept, as this can feed cynicism and resentment, possibly contributing to attitudes towards re-recruitment of child soldiers.

Save the Children Emergencies Section

January 2006


135   Save the children defines "child" as any person below the age of 18 years. Back

136   Save the Children UK: Forgotten Casualties of War: Girls in armed conflict, 2005 Back

137   UN Office of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict Back

138   Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Back

139   Save the Children UK: Forgotten Casualties of War: Girls in armed conflict, 2005  Back

140   Save the Children UK: Forgotten Casualties of War: Girls in armed conflict, 2005 Back

141   Save the Children UK: Forgotten Casualties of War: Girls in armed conflict, 2005 Back


 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2006
Prepared 6 March 2006