Select Committee on Procedure Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1-19)

RT HON JOHN DENHAM MP AND DR ROBIN JAMES

29 NOVEMBER 2005

  Q1 Chairman: Welcome. At the close of the last Parliament the Procedure Committee, as you are well aware, looked into the operation of the sub judice rule and published a report which has not yet been debated or approved by the House. In the light of further representations that we have received and a request we have received from the Liaison Committee,[1] we have decided to revisit this area in particular in relation to coroners' courts, but also looking at the issue again, so nothing is ruled out in this second visit to this area because the operation of the sub judice rule is giving cause for concern for a number of Members in carrying out their constituency duties as well as the concerns you have expressed from a select committee point of view. Thank you for coming and offering to give evidence. Although we have no television cameras here, we are on a webcast so everything that is said will reach a wide audience. We are also anxious to see that we obtain as much evidence as possible to assist us with our deliberations. If, towards the end of your evidence, you feel it would be helpful to allude to a specific sub judice case we are happy at that point to resolve to go into private session so that any evidence you may care to give which might fall foul of that rule is not denied us.

  Mr Denham: Thank you very much indeed. I very much welcome this inquiry. If I set the scene very briefly, after the London bombing on 7 July the Home Affairs Select Committee decided to have a one-off hearing in September, anticipating that we would want to look at the broad state of affairs two months after the bombing. There then was the attempted bombing on 21 July and the shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes on 22 July, so as we approached the September meeting we wanted to give all of those issues as good an airing as we could. The difficulty that faced the select committee was that we were advised very clearly that almost everything to do with the three events, 7, 21 and 22, was sub judice by virtue either of them being the subject of coroners' courts because of course 52 people were killed on 7 July, or because people had been arrested and charged in relation to the 21 July or because it was at least possible that charges might be brought at some time in the future against some of those involved in the shooting. We had therefore some difficulty in preparing the hearing in September. We looked at the very helpful report that this Committee produced last year and it was very clear from that that the 2001 resolution gave the chairman discretion on the sub judice rule in cases of national importance. This was clearly a case of national importance. However, the practical problem that we found was that there was no guidance available to myself as chairman or to the clerks who were advising me on how exactly we should act once we had decided it was of national importance. In effect, I think we came back to doing no more than we would have done if there had not been a 2001 resolution. The advice erred strongly on the side of caution. There is no criticism at all of the clerks who were very helpful throughout, as was the Attorney General in his role as the supervisor of prosecutions. I felt though that in practice the committee was not able to ask a number of questions that were being very widely discussed in the media that would have been helpful to ask. My particular concern is that when something of this importance happens, if the House of Commons becomes the one place where the issues cannot be aired because they are being widely discussed in the media, it seems to me that it damages the credibility of the House of Commons. That is really why I wrote on behalf of the committee to the Liaison Committee in the first instance and said could this matter be looked at again. I am happy to go into more detail about some of the things we would have liked to ask and the way the rules were applied.

  Q2 Sir Robert Smith: You mentioned the issue of national importance. Do you think any guidance to chairmen on how that could be defined would have been helpful?

  Mr Denham: I do not think we had any difficulty in deciding that this was an issue of national importance and in this particular case it was pretty self-evident even if it had just been the tragic shooting as an isolated incident. Even that I think we would have seen as an issue of national importance. Our problem was deciding what it was legitimate to do once we had decided it was of national importance. Clearly there was already a number of people who had already been arrested and charged. We would not have wanted to do anything that could prejudice the trial of those individuals. That would be completely unacceptable. However, not to be able to discuss some at least of the detail concerning the shooting because it was in front of the coroner's court and because it was just theoretically possible one or more police officers might have been charged at some point in the future seemed to me to be too limiting on such an important issue. Similarly on 7 July. So far as everybody knew the perpetrators were dead. It was put to us strongly that there might be subsequent arrests and charges and we should therefore avoid prejudicing those. That seemed to me to be too tight a restriction on what we could ask.

  Q3 Sir Robert Smith: Where did the subsequent arrest advice come from?

  Mr Denham: That came as I recall in discussion with clerks when we were seeking background advice. That was the most substantive point. It also was the case of course that the 7 July was subject to a coroner's inquiry.

  Q4 Sir Robert Smith: The Attorney General's evidence was that the moment of arrest was the point. The fact that someone may be arrested in the future has not normally been—

  Mr Denham: I am inclined to agree.

  Q5 Sir Robert Smith: If we split the three things apart, there are obviously people arrested, facing charge. That is probably the most difficult one and you probably felt you would not want to tread in that area. Then there is the slightly grey area where people might be arrested, where in the past we have not restrained ourselves. Then there is the coroner's inquiry which was a part of the report. That was the grey area about when that trigger point should be and whether there was scope for redefining it because obviously there can be a long delay from when they open to when there is a chance of being prejudiced.

  Mr Denham: Indeed. There were two types of coroner's inquiry going on. One was for 7 July where, at least in terms of the immediate perpetrators, there was not going to be much doubt about how people came to be killed. There was also the coroner's inquiry into the shooting on 22 July which clearly might play a very important role in identifying responsibility. I would put it to this Committee that in both those cases it would have been in the broad public interest for our committee to have been able to explore those events in some more detail than we were able to.

  Q6 Andrew Gwynne: What action did you take before and during the evidence session to ensure that the sub judice rule was respected?

  Mr Denham: Prior to the public session, I went through the issues with members of the committee. Dr James had also provided quite a helpful note which, if you like, we can share with the Committee, suggesting the areas that should not be covered and those that could be covered. We went through that in the private session. In the public session, I read out a prepared statement to the press and public explaining the sub judice rule. In practice, once the session was underway, nobody came near to flouting the rule. Indeed, the truth is, rereading the transcript, we probably stayed incredibly within the comfort zone. This was one of the difficulties. If you have very restrictive and cautious advice, members then probably do not go anywhere near breaching that advice. I suspect there were many things that could have been asked in the committee session, even within the guidance we had been given, that were not asked because people were so nervous about making a mistake.

  Q7 Andrew Gwynne: In the House of Lords the sub judice rule has been interpreted less strictly than in the House of Commons. The shoot to kill policy has been discussed in the House of Lords. Are you concerned by this?

  Mr Denham: I am. It points to one of the flaws. The argument in part about sub judice is that things that are said in the House of Commons when reported outside are likely to have a particular weight and therefore are more able to prejudice a trial than things that are said widely in the media. The fact that that does not seem to be a problem with the House of Lords suggests that that historic view, if it ever was true, is no longer true and that we are less likely to do damage than has been the perceived wisdom in the past. The question is: is what we do proportionate to the importance of the issue that we are discussing.

  Q8 Mr Wilson: In your opening remarks, you said you took quite a bit of advice and, as I understand it, you took advice from the Attorney General, Mr Speaker and House officials. Have I missed anybody?

  Mr Denham: No. There would be a number of House officials involved.

  Dr James: That would be principally the Clerk of the House who, as this Committee will be well aware, is the House's chief adviser on procedure and the Clerk of the Journals who specialises in sub judice and privilege issues.

  Q9 Mr Wilson: Did you find that the advice they gave was all pretty similar or was there a range of advice? Was it something you could pick and choose from?

  Mr Denham: The advice was pretty consistent. It will be no surprise that Mr Speaker's advice was consistent with the advice that I had had from the House officials because I am sure he would have taken the same briefing as me. The Attorney General was very consistent with that advice as well. He had some broader concerns about other terrorist cases. He was concerned that we should not prejudice those by raising them in the session but that was the only new issue he raised.

  Q10 Mr Wilson: Can I tease out of you a little more detail about what the sub judice issues were facing the Committee?

  Mr Denham: The sub judice issues were, one, that we should not prejudice criminal actions that were going to proceed in the courts. The second was that we should not, in a more general sense, offend the sub judice rule on matters that were going to be in front of the coroners' courts and the third was the suggestion that we should avoid prejudicing matters where charges might be laid in the future, particularly in relation to the shooting but also possible arrests under the 7 July bombings. Those were the three areas of concern.

  Q11 Mr Wilson: How did you make the committee aware of those issues?

  Mr Denham: As I recall, we did circulate members in advance of the meeting to warn them that there was going to be an issue and then it was discussed in a private session before the main hearing.

  Q12 Mr Wilson: Did they support those objectives?

  Mr Denham: I think they accepted the guidance that they were being given. I do not think there was anybody in the committee who wanted to have an argument about it before we went into the main session. Equally when we discussed this matter after the hearing, everybody agreed that I should write to the Liaison Committee because everybody felt that we had not done as good a job in airing issues in public as they would have liked.

  Q13 Mr Wilson: Do you think there was a difference in feeling at the end of the meeting from the start of the meeting in the acceptance of what you could and could not ask?

  Mr Denham: The committee is very disciplined and if the committee gets advice from the clerks as to what is permissible the Members I have on the Home Affairs Select Committee are going to follow that advice because they will trust the source of it. The frustration perhaps is that we were not able to get a different set of advice. Had there been some clearer guidance to the clerks, we could have had some advice that would have enabled us to go further.

  Q14 Mr Wilson: What do you think the outcome of all this will be? Do you think there will be an effect on the final report you are able to present?

  Mr Denham: This was a one-off hearing and therefore it was particularly important that we aired the issues in public. If we had been carrying out an inquiry over six or seven sessions in the normal way, we might have taken the advice of the Procedure Committee and met to hear some evidence in private. It is a little difficult to say whether, had we been producing a report, we could have produced a report having had some sessions in private, but we were having a one-off hearing which we do on a number of issues from time to time and therefore it made no sense to have a private evidence session.

  Q15 Rosemary McKenna: All the advice you were given was based on the resolution of the House of 2001?

  Mr Denham: Yes.

  Q16 Rosemary McKenna: Were you aware of the Procedure Committee's subsequent report, although it had not been before the House?

  Mr Denham: Yes, we were. We found it very helpful up until, if you like, the last point in the proceedings because the Procedure Committee report referred to the 2001 resolution, so it was very clear this was a matter of national importance. It was very clear therefore that the chair had discretion. It was very clear from your report that I was the chair for the purposes of that resolution, although it advised me to talk to Mr Speaker. However, the implication of the 2001 resolution is that, if it is of national importance, you can in some way vary, waive or ignore the sub judice rule, but it does not tell you how. The clerks had difficulty in advising us what bits of sub judice we could ignore because it was of national importance. In practice, I think the advice we had from the clerks was almost identical to what we would have got if there had not been the 2001 resolution. What I hope this Committee might consider is giving some guidance as to, once you have decided it is of national importance, the ways in which sub judice might be varied by select committees.

  Q17 Rosemary McKenna: If this report said that the select committee chairs would have the power to exercise chair's discretion, that would not be sufficient?

  Mr Denham: That is the way I read the report but it does not tell me what I can then do. As the chairman I would not want to go so far as to ruin the trial of the people who had been arrested for 21 July. When it came to the question of the shooting, it was very difficult to be clear. In principle, we would have liked to have set aside the fact that the shooting was subject to the coroner's court, at least to some degree. How far I could go in ignoring the sub judice rule was not at all clear.

  Q18 Rosemary McKenna: What advice would you like this Committee to give? Should we say that in those specific instances where it was of national importance—?

  Mr Denham: For example, if we had had something that said to the committee, "You need to some extent to set aside sub judice but you need to be careful about the risk of prejudicing a trial. Therefore, committee witnesses should avoid making direct allegations or implications against named individuals" and had we had that sort of discretion we probably could have asked questions about the intelligence on the named suicide bombers, information about their foreign travel, known associates, knowledge of how they were recruited, if any, how knowledge of that compared with other studies by the intelligence services and questions about methods used by the suicide bombers. There is a whole series of questions which we felt unable to ask because we felt that would breach the sub judice rule as it was interpreted to us.

  Q19 Rosemary McKenna: It is a different interpretation of the sub judice rule?

  Mr Denham: It is a narrower interpretation, looking at the 2001 resolution which says that, if it is of national importance, I as the chairman have the discretion to set it aside but it does not help decide what I can and cannot do. Nobody believes the 2001 resolution simply means you can ignore sub judice and be as irresponsible as you want and nobody would want to be that irresponsible. It is giving some clearer guidance on how to operate the 2001 resolution in practice that is needed.


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