Select Committee on Procedure Second Report


1  Introduction

1. The Committee's inquiry began in November 2005 and was prompted by calls from Members of Parliament to re-examine the sub judice rule (a subject our predecessors had reported on in the previous Parliament) specifically in regard to coroners' courts. The cases brought to our attention are set out in more detail below. The Members concerned felt that the application of the rule had obstructed Parliamentary consideration of important matters.

2. On the basis of these communications, we decided to look again at the application of the rule to coroners' courts. Our terms of reference were to consider whether there should there be a separate sub judice rule for coroners' inquests; whether the point at which coroners' inquests become 'active' for the purpose of the rule should be redefined; whether the Chair's discretion to disapply the sub judice rule where necessary is an effective mechanism (including its operation in select committee proceedings); and how other Parliaments or legislatures apply the sub judice rule to similar proceedings.

3. A number of written submissions were received in connection with the inquiry and are printed as appendices to this report. We heard oral evidence from Rt Hon John Denham MP, Chairman, and Dr Robin James, Clerk, Home Affairs Committee; Ms Sally Keeble MP; Rt Hon Lord Goldsmith QC, Attorney General; Sir Roger Sands KCB, Clerk of the House and Mr Robert Rogers, Principal Clerk, Table Office, House of Commons.

The 2001 sub judice resolution

4. The House of Commons adopted its current sub judice resolution in 2001 on the basis of a recommendation from the Joint Committee on Parliamentary Privilege.[1] The resolution is reproduced in Annex 1 of this report (page 34). It replaced earlier resolutions of 1963 and 1972 and was the first to explicitly include coroners' courts within its scope. At the same time, an identical resolution was implemented in the House of Lords. The history of the resolution, and of the inclusion of coroners' courts within it, is considered in more detail in paragraphs 26-28 of this report.

5. The sub judice rule prevents reference to any 'active' case in the UK criminal or civil courts. The rule does not apply to cases at the European Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights or to proceedings in any other international or non-UK national courts, even though these courts may sometimes try UK citizens. The definition of when a case is 'active' is set out in paragraph (1) of the resolution:

(1)(a)(i) Criminal proceedings are active when a charge has been made or a summons to appear has been issued, or, in Scotland, a warrant to cite has been granted.

(ii) Criminal proceedings cease to be active when they are concluded by verdict and sentence or discontinuance, or, in cases dealt with by courts martial, after the conclusion of the mandatory post-trial review.

(b)(i) Civil proceedings are active when arrangements for the hearing, such as setting down a case for trial, have been made, until the proceedings are ended by judgment or discontinuance […]

(c) Appellate proceedings, whether criminal or civil, are active from the time when they are commenced by application for leave to appeal or by notice of appeal until ended by judgment or discontinuance.

6. The resolution begins with the important provision that its application shall be 'subject to the discretion of the Chair'. The ability of the Speaker to allow reference to cases where he deems it necessary is therefore an integral part of the rule. Other specific exemptions are also set out in the resolution, namely where the House is considering primary or secondary legislation,[2] where a ministerial decision is in question, and where 'in the opinion of the Chair a case concerns issues of national importance such as the economy, public order or the essential services'.

7. In his evidence, Lord Goldsmith, the Attorney General, set out three reasons for the House's sub judice rule: the risk of prejudicing individual cases, the principle of comity between the Courts and Parliament, and the need to demonstrate that the judiciary operates independently of the political process:

The reasons for it include prejudice but I think they are wider than that and this does reflect the evidence that I gave before. The Joint Committee on Parliamentary Privilege when it reported in 1999 said, to my mind, rightly that there were three reasons for the rule. The first is the importance of not prejudicing a fair trial. Statements which are made outside any form of judicial tribunal might in certain circumstances prejudice a fair trial. […] The second reason is comity. It is simply that Parliament and the court should each respect what the other does and should each let the other get on to deal with the business that they have. The risk of discussion in Parliament on an issue which is yet to be determined in a court or in an inquest is that comment is being made on evidence which is yet to be presented and tested. The third reason is an important constitutional reason. It is important that judges or other judicial tribunals do not appear to be subject to political pressure. The 1999 committee said that it is important constitutionally and essential for public confidence that the judiciary should be seen to be independent of political pressure. The danger there is that, if there are strong statements made in Parliament, it might be thought after the event by someone who is affected by the decision that the decision was in turn affected by the debate which had taken place in Parliament. Those, I think, are the reasons.[3]

We consider the risk of prejudice and the relationship between Parliament and the Courts below.

PREJUDICE OF CASES

8. A primary aim of the sub judice resolution is to prevent any prejudice being caused to an active court case as a result of advance publicity arising from its discussion. The rule aims to ensure that the decisions of the courts are taken entirely on the evidence presented to them and are not influenced or impeded by any argument made in Parliament.

9. In its objective to anticipate and prevent any damaging discussion of an active court case, the resolution stands in contrast to the approach of the Contempt of Court Act 1981, which provides the statutory framework for the retrospective punishment of prejudicial comments. Under Article IX of the Bill of Rights 1689, words spoken in Parliament cannot be the subject of legal action in the courts. It is partly for this reason that the House has established its own self-limiting resolution.

COMITY AND RESPECT FOR THE COURTS

10. Whilst prejudice is often perceived as the main aim of the rule, comity, or the principle that Parliament and the courts should not trespass upon each other's jurisdiction, is equally important. The Clerk of the House set this out in oral evidence:

I think I have made clear that I do consider it [comity] as important as prejudice when considering the basis for the sub judice resolution. What is it appropriate for Parliament to be concerned with? Members raise these issues with ministers and therefore the implication is that there is something the minister can do about it. There is a problem in the administration of the minister's department; or there is a policy problem which the government by changing policy can put right. Nearly always, if that is bona fide, the purpose of the exercise, then we can put it in a way which avoids the sub judice resolution. But if what the Member wants to do […] is to parade his or her version of what went wrong […] and to get the minister to comment on it, I simply do not think that is appropriate, whether it prejudices the coroner's court or not, because there is nothing that the minister can do about that. He is not there to find fact; he would be put in an impossible position. Everybody else who was concerned in the case would feel that, even if the debate did not prejudice the case, the member had given one side of the case and they had not been given a chance to respond. That is what comity means. It means things being dealt with by the institution which is set up to deal with them.[4]

11. Two issues can be distinguished here: firstly, the constitutional principle that separates Parliament and the Courts. This principle, 'comity', arises from the conviction that Parliament should not presume to come to a decision on a matter for which the courts are responsible (and vice versa). Secondly, on a more practical level, the House should not be seen to be interfering in the work of the judiciary. As the Clerk notes, Ministers have no role in the finding of fact in a matter which is before the courts and they should not be pressed to comment in a form that may be perceived as interference.

The previous Committee's inquiry

12. At the end of the last Parliament, our predecessor Committee carried out an inquiry into the sub judice rule.[5] Their report considered the rule generally and included a more detailed discussion of issues of comity and of the prejudice of cases which will not be repeated here. That inquiry set out to determine whether any changes to the 2001 resolution were desirable. Its report concluded that a change to the wording of the resolution was not necessary, but noted a level of disquiet amongst Members with the operation of the rule. This was particularly pronounced with regard to some coroners' cases, where long delays meant that any reference in Parliament to the issues involved was curtailed for a significant period. The Committee advised Members to seek the Speaker's discretion more readily in cases where they considered the rule to be unreasonably impeding the work of Parliament.

13. The previous Committee's report has not yet been debated on the floor of the House, not least because the current Committee has been looking again at the issue. This report builds on the valuable work of our predecessors and adds further conclusions and recommendations specifically in respect of coroners' courts. Now that our inquiry has been brought to a conclusion, we trust that an early opportunity will be found for the House to consider both our report and that of our predecessors.

Cases brought to the attention of the Committee

14. We were prompted to return to the sub judice rule by representations from Members who claimed to have experienced serious difficulty in discharging their parliamentary duties due to the interpretation of the rule. Two cases in particular were brought to our attention. The details of these cases are set out below.

15. The first case concerned an oral evidence session held by the Home Affairs Committee on the subject of 'Counter-terrorism and community relations in the aftermath of the London bombings'. Rt Hon John Denham MP, Chairman of the Home Affairs Committee, submitted a note on this session to the Liaison Committee, describing the difficulties his Committee had experienced with the sub judice rule, which he believed had acted to prevent discussion of many of the topics his Committee wished to explore with witnesses. Mr Denham's paper noted that:

the sub judice rule forbids references in proceedings in the House or its committees to cases which are active before the courts (including coroners' courts). Charges had been brought in relation to the 21 July attempted bombings, and inquests had been opened (and adjourned) on Mr Jean Charles de Menezes and on those killed in the 7 July attacks. There was a possibility of charges being brought against the police officers involved in the Menezes shooting.[6]

He went on to say that his Committee had been advised to steer clear of explicit reference to any of these cases, a decision he accepted at the time but later felt had severely limited the scope and value of the session:

I have to report that I and my colleagues felt that the effect of this strict application of the rule was to impose severe restrictions on questioning on a topic which was of real and legitimate public concern. It is possible that the circumstances of Mr Menezes' death may remain sub judice for up to 12 months, which will undoubtedly impede Parliament in its ability to discuss the question of a police 'shoot to kill' policy.[7]

16. Mr Denham added that he had considered whether, as Chairman of the Committee, he had power under the 2001 resolution to waive the sub judice rule: 'I considered whether it would be appropriate for me, at the hearing on 13 September, to exercise the "Chair's discretion" to allow questioning on some sub judice topics'. Mr Denham later gave oral evidence to the inquiry, expanding on the reasons why he had not ultimately felt able to exercise this discretion:

the practical problem that we found was that there was no guidance available to myself as chairman or to the clerks who were advising me on how exactly we should act once we had decided it was of national importance. In effect, I think we came back to doing no more than we would have done if there had not been a 2001 resolution.[8]

17. Mr Denham's oral evidence also raised the subject of 'national importance'. The 2001 resolution includes an exemption for issues of 'national importance', which we consider in more detail later in this report (paragraphs 49-53). Mr Denham argued that the London bombings were certainly a matter of national importance and, as such, deserved to be aired in Parliament at a time when discussion in the media and amongst the public was rife. The evidence session in question had been held in September, a period when the House had not been sitting. The Home Affairs Committee had thought it necessary to meet notwithstanding the recess due to the importance of the subject matter and the need for a timely Parliamentary response:

My particular concern is that when something of this importance happens, if the House of Commons becomes the one place where the issues cannot be aired because they are being widely discussed in the media, it seems to me that it damages the credibility of the House of Commons. That is really why I wrote on behalf of the committee to the Liaison Committee in the first instance and said could this matter be looked at again.[9]

18. In October 2005, the Procedure Committee received a letter from the Chairman of the Liaison Committee, Rt Hon Alan Williams MP, drawing this matter to our attention and asking us to look again at the operation of the sub judice rule in the light of this recent example.

19. Later that month, Ms Sally Keeble MP wrote to the Chairman of the Committee, noting the experience of the Home Affairs Committee and adding her own concerns about an ongoing case which she had originally raised with the previous Procedure Committee in their earlier inquiry. Ms Keeble had given evidence to the previous inquiry in regard to a case of a death in custody in her constituency in April 2004. The coroner's inquest relating to this case had been opened and adjourned for many months pending police investigations and a Crown Prosecution Service decision whether or not to prosecute. At the time of writing, the coroner's inquest still has not been concluded and the case is still therefore caught under the sub judice rule. Ms Keeble had attempted to secure an adjournment debate on the case and to put down Parliamentary Questions, but had been unable to make specific reference to the case. In her letter, Ms Keeble explained that she had been encouraged by the previous Committee's report to refer the matter to the Speaker and to ask him to exercise discretion so that the case could be brought up and discussed. This had not proved successful.

20. In a written memorandum, Ms Keeble described the damage that she thought had resulted from the application of the sub judice rule in this case:

Given the continuing unwarranted injustices suffered by young people in secure training centres, I would argue that the application of the sub judice rule has been unwarranted, disproportionate and damaging. It has taken over 18 months to extract information that would have been available much more quickly, and still 18 months on, there is no indication as to when there will be proper action taken to prevent a repeat death.[10]

In oral evidence to the Committee, Ms Keeble repeated her view, given to the previous Committee's inquiry, that coroners' courts should not fall within the scope of the rule at all because the likelihood of causing prejudice to an inquest was minimal. She acknowledged that the previous Committee had not recommended this course of action and therefore argued that at the least, the period for which proceedings in coroners' courts were considered 'active' should be redefined:

Personally, I do not think the sub judice rule should apply to coroners' courts but I certainly think there has to be an issue about when proceedings are active. It is a nonsense that, just because a coroner's court meets and says, "We have opened and adjourned" it then stays adjourned for 18 months with no prospect in sight for when it is going to resume when it is an issue of major concern affecting young people. I really think there has to be some clearer thinking about what we are doing.[11]

The sub judice resolution in the House of Lords

21. Another factor that led us to begin this inquiry was a number of apparent breaches of the rule in the House of Lords. These breaches related particularly to cases where coroners' inquests were active and included references to the shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes and the death in custody in Ms Keeble's constituency.[12]

22. In oral evidence, Ms Keeble expressed disquiet that the case she had been pursuing for some time had been brought up and discussed in the Lords, whereas she was prevented from discussing it in the Commons:

The other issue which has concerned me greatly which was not covered last time was the fact that there has been considerable discussion in particular in the Lords on a case that I was particularly concerned about. It seems to me that, particularly given that one of the issues that weighed very strongly with the Committee last time was that of comity between the different institutions, that has to apply between the Commons and the Lords. What was particularly galling was, given that the evidence that was provided to the Committee from the relevant minister was from a Lords minister, for a Lords minister to come and effectively silence the Commons and meanwhile for the Lords to be able to discuss the case in question, it seemed to me that that was completely unacceptable. The rule either has to apply equally across the board or, as I think very strongly, it should be relaxed.[13]

23. As we have noted, the sub judice rule in the House of Lords is identical in all material respects to that of the Commons. The only difference is that the discretion given to the Speaker of the House of Commons was given to the Leader of the House of Lords. This power has now been transferred to the Lord Speaker. In its report, the previous Committee strongly supported the existence of an identical resolution in both Houses and recommended that the two Houses should consider jointly any proposal for change. We agree with this recommendation and were therefore concerned that in practice the rule appeared to have been implemented differently in the two Houses.

24. In his memorandum, the Clerk of the Parliaments acknowledged the breaches and outlined the steps that had been taken to ensure that cases were identified more readily:

We have taken steps to ensure that staff in the Minute Room (the Lords "Table Office") identify potential breaches in future. When in doubt as to how to apply the rule, we have always consulted the relevant government department, and sometimes the Commons Table Office, who are always helpful. The Minute Room and the Table Office are now sharing information in a more systematic way. […] I will do what I can to ensure that the Lords observe the sub judice rule strictly, whatever form it may take in future. In particular, I have written to all front benches, and to the members involved in the incidents to which I have referred.[14]

25. We welcome the efforts made by the House of Lords authorities to ensure that the rule is implemented in the same way in both Houses. We are not currently aware of any prejudice that has been caused to a case due to its discussion in the Lords, however, prejudice to inquests may only be evident in retrospect. This is an issue we return to below.


1   Joint Committee on Parliamentary Privilege, Report HC (1998-99) 214-I to -III, HL Paper (1998-99) 43-I to -III. The Committee was established in 1997 and reported in 1999. Back

2   But not motions for leave to bring in a Bill. Back

3   Q73 Back

4   Q117 Back

5   The Sub Judice Rule of the House of Commons, First Report of Session 2004-05, HC 125. Back

6   Unprinted letter to the Liaison Committee. Back

7   IbidBack

8   Q1 Back

9   Q1 Back

10   Ev 8 Back

11   Q38 Back

12   HL Deb (2005-06) 675, c274 (Metropolitan Police Shoot to Kill Policy); c506 (Prisoners: Use of Restraint); WA13 (Death of Jean Charles de Menezes); 676, c6-7 (Deepcut Army Barracks). Back

13   Q37 Back

14   Ev 45 Back


 
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