Select Committee on Public Administration Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 20-39)

RT HON JOHN HUTTON MP

1 NOVEMBER 2005

  Q20  Chairman: The point, if I may put it like this, is that many people have a political interest in having these issues hanging in the air. Not having them resolved is what serves the interest of the opposition parties and of the media. The way to cut through that would be to have someone to look at them. Then you could say, "You put up or you shut up. If you've got evidence, you bring it to me". Alan Budd's point was: "There is something thoroughly unsatisfactory about me being commissioned, by the Permanent Secretary of the department where the Secretary of State has allegations made about him, to investigate that department". It is, in a sense, compromised from the outset. It is not a question of finding a way to have a go at ministers. In a way, it is a protection for ministers, is it not, if there is some way that someone could independently investigate these kinds of allegations?

  Mr Hutton: I agree with that, Chairman. I am not arguing against a role for an independent investigation in some cases where allegations are made against a minister or former minister. In fact I think the practice has demonstrated that on occasions that is precisely the procedure that has been followed, and I think that is entirely appropriate. If the argument is specifically about this particular case—

  Chairman: No.

  Mr Hutton: Well, if it is not, I think the point I want to make is this: the Prime Minister, having looked at the facts and come to a perfectly clear view that there is no evidence of a conflict of interest between Mr Blunkett's behaviour when he was outside the Government and his behaviour when he was in the Government then and in the Government now, and feels that in those circumstances an independent inquiry is not going to be appropriate. That is the Prime Minister's judgment. It is a judgment that I absolutely endorse. It is not true that we do not have a constitution. We do. We have a sort of a constitution.

  Q21  Mr Liddell-Grainger: We do have royal prerogative. We do not have a constitution.

  Mr Hutton: We have more than that: we have legislation, we have customer practice and so on. The substantive point is whether the Committee feel sufficiently that the current arrangements are so unsatisfactory that they need reform—and I suspect you probably take the view that they do, and there are those of us on the other side of the argument who say the system can work perfectly clearly and perfectly well.

  Q22  Chairman: The Committee had decided, before this current affair, that we were going to have a look at the whole area of ethical regulation in government, so I suspect we shall revisit that. Let us, if we may, move on to other territory. On the memorandum that you have given us you have said, "The Cabinet Office is now working on delivering the strategy for the next phase of public service reform . . .". Is the next phase going to be the last phase? Does public service reform ever come to an end or is it a process of permanent revolution? I think we would all quite like to know this.

  Mr Hutton: I do not think it is a case of permanent revolution. I do think there is a responsibility on government, whoever is in government, to make sure that the taxpayers are getting value for money, that they are getting a high quality, efficient service. Just as in, for example, the private sector it would not be a successful strategy to assume that every problem has been solved, that there is nothing more that can ever be done to improve the quality of the product that you are providing; I think it is essentially that discipline on government as well. The need to go on making sure that public services meet the rising aspirations/ambitions of the British people is going to require ongoing change and reform. Yes, I think that is self-evident.

  Q23  Chairman: I understand the point about all organisations having continuous improvement strategies and so on, but I am asking on the kind of big bang reformist strategies that we are experiencing at the moment in key public services. Are we expecting that process to have been completed during this Parliament, so that we can say, "Those public services have now been reformed?". Or is it a case of: "This is just simply another instalment of a process—of which you will have a further instalment after that"?

  Mr Hutton: I think it is partly driven, is it not, by the manifesto commitments that we have made and we are likely to make in four years' time. I do not know what they will be, but clearly there will be, I am sure, a series of things that we will want to do in four years' time to continue to accelerate and improve the performance of public services.

  Q24  Chairman: Will the ambition be to have accomplished the fundamentals of public service reform in this Parliament?

  Mr Hutton: Our ambition is to do the things that we said we would do in the manifesto, which is, yes, certainly to extend more choice over the services people use, to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of those services. The manifesto made very clear the areas where we wanted to see improvements. The Cabinet Office is focused entirely on making sure that the things we said we would do during the last election, which we have committed ourselves as a Government to doing, we actually oversee and implement.

  Q25  Chairman: If you are working in a public service, you quite like to know whether the end is in sight. Whether this process of reform in which they are all engaged has a completion point or whether it is going to be followed by another stage and another stage and so on.

  Mr Hutton: As far as the Government is concerned, the principal pillars we have tried to put in place here are clear and well known and feature very strongly in our manifesto. They revolve around making sure there is more choice over the services people can use. There is a very clear commitment to improve performance in those services, and that has been done by a variety of different tools, whether it is performance indicators, targets, incentives or whatever, and there is a clear set of commitments around value for money and efficiency. We are pursuing those three pillars in Government and that is the reform agenda that we have mapped out. It is impossible for me, quite obviously, to say what the manifesto will look like in four years' time, but I think the central pieces of the architecture are clearly visible now, and, no, we are certainly not going to change things.

  Q26  Chairman: My impression is that the Prime Minister wants to relinquish office having accomplished the fundamentals of public service reform. I think he thinks that is going to be his legacy. Are you telling me that in fact that will not be the case because it will simply continue after that?

  Mr Hutton: I think the Prime Minister quite clearly has set himself the job of implementing the manifesto, and implementing the manifesto will see very significant improvements to public services, and that will, I think, be a tribute to the work of the entire Government, including the Prime Minister.

  Q27  Chairman: Let me try one more thing on you, then I will hand over. On the same kind of theme, the Government's watchwords, now reflected in the memorandum that you have given us, centre on choice, competition, contestability, market. None of this figured in the Government's public service reform agenda when it arrived in office in 1997. The direction of travel was quite other. It was public service agreements, targets and all that. When did the moment arrive when one direction gave way to another?

  Mr Hutton: I think it has been a journey. I think on a journey it is very difficult to pinpoint a precise moment in time. It is a combination of experience, implementation of the reform agenda that we had set out, the opportunity to make a major new investment in public services that came through in 2000-01 because of the way we have been managing public finances and overseeing very strong economic growth and stability. The agenda which you describe—choice, contestability, diversity and so on—has been set out quite clearly in our manifesto, I think since 2001, and it is that manifesto. It is maybe not fashionable in this context to go on about implementing manifestos—a lot of people like to change them as they go along—but I am slightly old school when it comes to manifestos: I think you should do what you said you would on the tin, and it is very clear what we said we would do. I think the issue particularly about choice, for example, is a very interesting one. It has been a journey for us, as I have said. I think the point about choice that has always struck me, is that people often like to say—and you did a very important inquiry into this last year on which I gave evidence—that it is not really what people want, it is something that is a dogma thing, an ideology thing that people are imposing, that it is a kind of McKinsey-speak for a different sort of agenda altogether that undervalues public service and the public service ethos. For us, choice has been something that we looked at and considered very carefully. We asked the patients, for example, in the NHS, whether they wanted choice about it and providers and they said yes. We know it works. We know it works to provide efficiency and value for money as well. I think it is completely unacceptable in the 21st century for governments to say to the public and taxpayers, "I'm sorry, we are not going to give you choice. We are going to tell you which hospital or which school your kids or your family can go to". That is not a vision for public services that is likely to command enduring public respect and support. The evolution of the policy around this agenda has been, as I say, fashioned by experience; fashioned, yes, by understanding what consumers of public services say to us they would like to have, and trying to find sensible ways of delivering that. But choice I think is a tool that has to be used in the right context, in the right service, in the right area to deliver an improvement in quality. That is why, for example, it can apply in some areas more clearly than in others. If my house is burgled in Barrow on Friday evening, I am definitely not going to ring up the chief constable in Cornwall and ask him to send a couple of bobbies up to track down the villains because they have a better track-record on burglary than the Cumbrian force. Everyone understands there are limits to how far this instrument can be used, but where it can be used, of course, we would be ourselves acting ideologically if we were to say we would not be prepared to use it.

  Q28  Chairman: If it is now decided that this is the public service reform tool kit around the things we have talked of, do you regret the fact that you did not have that tool kit in place some years earlier, so that you could crack on with all this?—and then we would no doubt be at an advanced stage of reform now rather than in the foothills of it.

  Mr Hutton: No, I think you have to look at this as part of a sequence of events and part of a journey. What has made these tool kits appropriate and useable and likely to produce the results that we want has been the extra investment, for example, that has gone into public services. To have choice, you need to have the investment, because you need capacity, you need new providers, and so on. We would not have been able to have fashioned that response back in 1997. For perfectly sensible and I think entirely appropriate reasons, we did not feel we were able to make an investment in public services of the magnitude that we made in 2000-01. The public service reforms have to be compatible with the economic cycle and the revenues and resources available to government. As the revenue and resources became increasingly available, so we were able to do more and more quickly in relation to public service reform.

  Chairman: I am sure colleagues will want to explore this further with you.

  Q29  Julia Goldsworthy: Following up on the choice issue, has the Cabinet Office done any research into how that works in rural areas? The constituency I represent is in Cornwall, where there is only one hospital, so, even if you provided the choice of many hospitals, for a lot of people it would be an hour away from their nearest hospital. Have you looked at how it works in rural areas as opposed to in London, where you have lots of different hospitals?

  Mr Hutton: I think some work has been done on that. Maybe I could bring it to the attention of the Committee, but I think it is likely to be the case that the principal work in this area has been done in the case of the NHS by the Department of Health rather than the Cabinet Office. But if there is any information that is at all helpful to the Committee on choice and how it works in rural areas, I would be very happy to make it available to you.

  Q30  Julia Goldsworthy: I would like to move on to targets. If it is ultimately up to the Prime Minister to decide whether there has been adherence to the Ministerial and Civil Service Codes, what is the point of your fourth objective, which is: "To promote standards that ensure good governance, including adherence to the Ministerial and Civil Service Codes"? Have you measured what progress you have made in promoting that?

  Mr Hutton: I do not think the two things are inconsistent. I think it is entirely an appropriate function of the Cabinet Office to set itself the job of supporting the Prime Minister in raising standards in the public service. That is what we do. The code is clear. We have had a conversation and I am sure there will be others subsequently about the detail of all of this. But I do not think it is inconsistent with our strategic objective of raising standards, for the ultimate person to have responsibility for deciding or adjudicating whether there have been breaches of those standards to be the Prime Minister. I do not think there is a conflict between that at all.

  Q31  Julia Goldsworthy: How do you measure progress against those objectives and against your targets and other departmental targets that you oversee?

  Mr Hutton: I think the target to which you have referred is one of the old targets. It is not one of the new PSA targets.

  Q32  Julia Goldsworthy: It is Cabinet Office 2004 Public Service Agreement, objective 4.

  Mr Hutton: I suspect I might have to drop the Committee a note about that as well.[7]

  Chairman: It does sound rather like it.

  Mr Hutton: Yes, I think it is.

  Q33  Julia Goldsworthy: Do you think the Government is doing well in meeting its targets Do you know what percentage of targets they have met and what percentage they have not met?

  Mr Hutton: We have met the overwhelming majority of the targets. Again, I would be very happy, if the Committee would like a fuller note about the extent to which they have been met, to send the Committee that.

  Q34  Julia Goldsworthy: What happens if targets are not met?

  Mr Hutton: It depends. We are going to announce later today a series of further measures that we need to take to meet, for example, some of the diversity targets that we have set for the Civil Service. You have probably read in the newspapers that we have met some of the targets but not all of them, but in all those areas we have made progress in the right direction. The frustrating thing about politics—and it may be that, whatever side of the fence one sits, in this regard we all to some extent share this experience—is that you can set yourself a tough target and you might be able to get 90% towards it, but if you do not make that extra 10% the whole thing is regarded as a screw-up: it is a failure. Outside of politics, if you got 90% towards where you wanted to get, most people would say that is not bad going. In all those areas where we have not quite got to the target, you will find significant progress in the right direction. If there is not significant progress in the right direction, there will be a series of measures that will be taken that we will initiate in the department; the Cabinet Secretary has responsibilities in terms of the performance review that he has with permanent secretaries every year; and then there will clearly be ministerial involvement as well to understand the root cause of that problem and to take the appropriate measures to put it right. But I think overwhelmingly the Government is hitting its targets.

  Q35  Julia Goldsworthy: Could it be that the public does not have any confidence in targets because they are not independently set or assessed, and quite often if they are not met then another target is set instead? Because there is no independence, there is no public confidence in whether or not they are actually achieved.

  Mr Hutton: I would find it extraordinary if, having been elected, someone else set the targets for the Government other than the Government itself. I do not think that is a terribly sensible suggestion with respect. In the system that we have, it is governments who should set out clearly what they want to do and hold themselves accountable. I think we have made ourselves more accountable to the electorate and to the public as a whole because we have been clear about the things that we wanted to achieve. I do not think a government in office in the 20th century—in the 21st century it has only been us, I know—has ever held itself out to greater accountability than we have done by the approach that we set towards target setting. I think we have made it very clear what our ambitions are and people can judge us accordingly. Yes, there will be some targets that we do not hit, and people will draw their own conclusions from that. I do not think it is sensible for someone else to set the objectives for national government other than government itself. I think that would be a chaotic system. Secondly—and this is a point where I suspect I probably am more in agreement with you than in relation to the first point—I think there is a real issue about the use of statistics and the confidence the public can place in them. We work very, very hard—and I did whilst I was at the Health Department—to try to make sure that when we say, for example, "We are meeting our waiting list targets," there is no-one waiting over a certain period of time for surgery. We have someone else come in and look at those figures. We have the National Audit Office and we have the Audit Commission and others who do that work for us, and of course there is the Statistics Commission and the Office of National Statistics and the code that applies to the collection of government statistics. We have tried very, very hard to make the collection of statistics that bear on the issue about whether we are meeting targets or not, more open to public scrutiny and parliamentary scrutiny, I think, than any previous government has done. Is there more we can do? Yes, I am sure there is, and we will continue to explore ways in which there is the greatest possible confidence in the accuracy of the statistical information that we present, but it is an uphill struggle. There is no doubt at all that there are 80,000 more nurses in the NHS and that waiting times are halved, but if you were to ask the public, "Do you think there are 80,000 more nurses in the NHS?" they would probably all say no, and: "Do you think waiting times have gone up or down?" they would probably say they have gone up. But the evidence is quite clearly the opposite. That is, in a sense, a political difficulty. The wider problems that ministers and, I suspect, all governments will have in the new age in which we live, when people are more sceptical and cynical about information—and rightly so, I think—it is not a bad thing—is that we have to work twice as hard to make sure we get that information accurately assembled and as foolproof as possible. We spend a very great deal of time in government, I can assure you, trying to get that right.

  Q36  Julia Goldsworthy: Could I ask you about capability reviews as well, as it is on a monitoring theme. I understand the Cabinet Office will be heading up the capability reviews across departments; in which case, will the Cabinet Office be volunteering to undergo that process first? If they do, who monitors the capability review of the Cabinet Office?

  Mr Hutton: I think we are going to start the review with a number of willing volunteers early on. I do not know who yet they will be. I think they are going to start politically, early in the New Year. Yes, maybe the Cabinet Office will be one of them, but the Cabinet Office will certainly be covered by the capability review programme that Gus has announced.

  Q37  Julia Goldsworthy: Do you think if the Cabinet Office undertook a capability review now it would pass?

  Mr Hutton: It is hard to say.

  Q38  Julia Goldsworthy: There is evidence from things like the failure of the True North project and changes in financial management projections that there are some serious financial management problems within the Department.

  Mr Hutton: No. I do not accept that at all. I think Colin Balmer's further explanatory note to the Committee[8] tried to explain what appear to be some of the serious discrepancies that were emerging in terms of financial pressures within the Department. Rather than a 50% overspend, it turned out to be an increase of 4%. The figures were all before the Committee. I would not want it to be accepted, Chairman, that I acknowledge this Department is badly run or financially inappropriately managed. It is not. I do not accept that. My answer to your initial question as to whether it would pass a capability review is a very difficult thing for me to say concretely. There are things that are not right—and I am sure you know probably just as much about that as I do, about the Cabinet Office's strengths and weaknesses—but, like all departments, we do have that. We have strengths and we have weaknesses. I think the important thing about the capabilities review—and it is classic Cabinet Office work to support this across government: it is part of our core mission—is that it is to help departments to become more efficient and effective at doing the things to which they are committed. I think our entire process of government will benefit from that. This is not a party political thing at all; this is a genuine attempt to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the Civil Service. That has to be a gain for the body politic of our country.

  Q39 Julia Goldsworthy: Just so I understand, the departmental annual report outturn costs of £191 million for "other administration costs" are reported as an increase of 53%, but the correspondence we have received say it was just a 4.1% increase. On the fact that there is such a difference between an estimated outturn in your departmental annual report and the correspondence that we have received, does that not show there are much bigger issues there, even though the increase may have been much smaller?

  Mr Hutton: No, I do not think so.


7   Ev 42, letter from the Cabinet Office to the Clerk of the Committee, dated 16 December 2005, further point 2 Back

8   Ev 24, letter from the Cabinet Office to the Clerk of the Committe, dated 19 October 2005. Back


 
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