Select Committee on Scottish Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 23-39)

MS MARGARET CURRAN, MR MURRAY SINCLAIR AND MR PAUL ALLEN

14 MARCH 2006

  Q23 Chairman: Good afternoon, Minister. Welcome to you and your officials to our meeting today. We are very pleased that you have been able to attend to give evidence to our inquiry on The Sewel Convention, the Westminster perspective. Would you like to make an opening statement before we ask questions?

  Ms Curran: Thank you very much, Chair. This is my first attendance at a House of Commons select committee, and hopefully not my last. I am very grateful to be here. Thank you for agreeing to postponement of my presentation visit last week in Edinburgh; I very much appreciate you assisting me with that. I am Margaret Curran, Minister for Parliamentary Business, and on my left is Murray Sinclair from the Scottish Executive, and on my right Paul Allen from the Scottish Executive. Can I repeat how pleased we are to be here, particularly as you have chosen to hold an inquiry into the Sewel Convention. I am not completely unique, but I am one of the few who are very interested in the Sewel Convention, and it has given me great cause for interest in my time as a minister. Since the beginning of devolution the Convention has been a very important feature of the settlement, and a fairly important part of what has been a fairly smooth operation of devolution in practice. We recognise that while the UK Parliament remains sovereign, the Government recognises the right of the Scottish Parliament to make decisions on matters within its own competence so the Government has agreed not to legislate on devolved matters without the consent of the Scottish Parliament. This agreement has helped to underpin the devolution settlement and support the role of the Scottish Parliament and make devolution live and breathe effectively. As you know, I think well, our own Procedures Committee in the Scottish Parliament completed its own inquiry into the Convention, and I know that you were speaking to representatives of that committee last week. I genuinely appreciate the interest you have taken in the matters in the Scottish Parliament, because that shared understanding helps us all. It is my own experience that the Executive and the UK Government have worked well together both at official level and ministerial level to make the Convention work. Through that joint effort we have ensured that the Convention has been respected. We had one breakage of it, and it was inadvertent and very swiftly dealt with, so that is not bad in all this period of time, and that is evidence that we are making this commitment work. It has ensured the devolution settlement and its practices are respected both sides of the border. It gives the Scottish Parliament the right to consider and decide before legislation is passed in devolved areas in the sure knowledge that that will be abided by, and it will ensure that our parliament takes responsibility for its own decisions. At some point, I would like to lay out this afternoon the benefits of the Sewel Convention, and clarify some misunderstanding there has been broadly about its usage because I think it has been a benefit to Scotland and is evidence of the strong partnership we have now. I will do that more in questioning. We are developing the Sewel Convention and our procedures and they have grown and will become more effective, and we would happily answer any questions you have got. We welcome the fact that this Parliament is taking such an interest in the Sewel Convention because it is very important that the parliament appreciates the kinds of issues we are dealing with.

  Q24  Chairman: What channels of communication between the two parliaments and the two governments that exist now, and perhaps you can indicate who is your point of contact in the British Government?

  Ms Curran: There are various levels at which you have to deal with that. At one level, obviously the Executive speaks to the British Government on a wide variety of fronts, usually on the policy front, for example the Minister for Justice is in close contact with the Home Office over developing policies, and there are communications at the official and political level. I have responsibility for the overall programme and if possible when the Queen's Speech is announced in the UK Parliament I try to make the Scottish Parliament aware publicly of the likely implications for ourselves in that. That would be a means of doing that as well. It is ongoing communication, as issues emerge that we might wish to take action on, or not, as the case might be.

  Q25  Chairman: Please can you clarify where the initiative for the Sewel motions has come from: is it from the Government or the Executive?

  Ms Curran: It could be both perhaps in some ways. Again, the kind of line I have taken is as early intervention as possible. The earlier we know things the better. It could be that legislation has been proposed at Westminster level and officials have been in discussions about that. Sometimes, as I say, it could be more at the political level. Most of the Sewels that have been passed, the vast majority of them, are over technical matters and minor matters, as we would see it, so sometimes it can be later on in the process.

  Q26  Chairman: As the Executive's Minister for Parliamentary Business, would you automatically be the First Scottish Minister HM Government contacted, if proposed legislation would affect Scotland, or would it depend entirely on which of the Executive's departments had responsibility for the matter?

  Ms Curran: Normally it would be by portfolio, so it would be the subjects minister, the portfolio minister, and their department. They would probably be the first to contact, but I would have an over-arching interest in it. You may be aware that we have a cabinet sub-committee on legislation, and I take the lead role in that; so before it could be finally signed off it would need to come through my department.

  Q27  Chairman: If the UK Government wanted to contact any ministry, would they come through you or write . . .

  Ms Curran: Not necessarily. They can do it department to department.

  Q28  Danny Alexander: I am interested in how you keep the Westminster Parliament and most of the Scottish Parliament up to date with legislation, particularly legislation where a Sewel Convention might apply.

  Ms Curran: I suppose my interest lies—primarily my responsibilities are to my own parliament, so I am perhaps a bit more knowledgeable about that. I think we have made quite a lot of progress on that because I have been very keen in the time I have been in this job to make sure that the Scottish Parliament is well informed about it, largely because I think we have been misinformed, and always think somehow Sewel Convention is about passing power back to Westminster, and if you look at the details in fact that is not the case. You have to clarify that. It is also about the democratic role of the parliament and the accountability of the parliament in passing good legislation. The key of a Sewel motion is that it needs the consent of the Scottish Parliament, which is what part of the name change is about, so that we emphasise consent, and it needs the consent of the parliament. First of all, we have to have a memorandum that goes to the committee, which is fuller than it has ever been before. We have to give adequate time for the committee to decide whether to take evidence and to make a recommendation about it, and then we have to make sure the parliament has adequate time itself to think through the implications of it; and then it has to go to a vote in the parliament. So we put quite a lot of effort into ensuring that parliament is well briefed, or in Sewel Conventions that the Executive would recommend.

  Q29  Danny Alexander: Do you then keep the parliament up to date with the progress of any legislation here, once a Sewel motion has been passed and a certain bill therefore is going to apply to Scotland?

  Ms Curran: Not necessarily.

  Mr Sinclair: As long as it proceeds to time, but if there is a new issue raised during the parliamentary passage to the Westminster legislation, then we will bring that back to—a new issue that leads to devolved matters and bring it back to the Scottish Parliament.

  Ms Curran: We would be obliged to bring it back.

  Q30  Danny Alexander: So once the parliament has given its consent, as far as you are concerned that is the Scottish Parliament's involvement and that is the issue done with unless there is a substantial change.

  Ms Curran: Yes, because it is only giving consent to that particular aspect of legislation. We are only interested in the devolved aspect. What Westminster does for the rest of its powers is its business. We would be very particular about legislating within our own areas of competence.

  Q31  Danny Alexander: Presumably, it is at least possible perhaps—and this might be more the case potentially if you had governments of different political hues in Scotland and in Westminster—that the Scottish Parliament might pass a motion to have a certain piece of legislation, and it might apply to Scotland in certain technical respects, or broader respects than they intend to do, but then the Westminster Parliament decides not to pass that legislation for whatever reason. [1]

  Ms Curran: Yes.

  Q32  Danny Alexander: I guess that situation has not arisen as yet. [2]

  Ms Curran: No.

  Q33  Danny Alexander: It is a situation that could arise. How would that be dealt with?

  Ms Curran: I suppose theoretically there could be bills that fall at Westminster. They maybe passed a consent motion where we would want part of it, and we would have our own choice then, either to legislate ourselves on the matter, if it was a priority for us; or we would be able to inform the parliament that that was not passed. We would have that choice. I should say that the political colours of the Executive and the Westminster Government are not entirely absolute, as you know; and it is a strength. Some people say it is only working just now because we have got politicians of the same party in power, but it is a bit more complicated than that, as you know. I think that is a strength, that we can work beyond one party to make the Sewel Convention work; and broadly speaking MSPs would see it working—broadly speaking.

  Q34  David Mundell: Margaret, you would have to accept that if you had significantly different governments then things would be different in terms of the operation; and what I am concerned about is to ensure that the process is robust enough to be able to deal with that. One of those issues around that is timing, because my personal experience for example with the powers that were in the Railways Bill was that the Scottish Parliament very much fitted in with the Westminster timing in order to meet their requirements, and we had one very lengthy committee meeting of seven hours because we went along with that process. How confident are you that these timing issues are independent from political interference so to speak?p[3]

  Ms Curran: Let me try and—and if I am not answering directly I am sure you will come back to me, because I do not think the issue is around timing. I, like you, would absolutely share the proposal that our processes must be robust to withstand any kind of political disagreement. You say "significant" difference between political parties: I take it you mean your own party would have significant differences, which is probably true; but I genuinely believe we should have robust mechanisms that withstand personalities and people of different political persuasions. We have seen some evidence of that; but there have been differences between certain colleagues in the Scottish Parliament and certain proposals that come from Westminster. That is part of the urge to make sure that we always improve the processes. I think the Scottish Parliament and its committee system that really looks at this in depth before bringing it to parliament does need to have adequate time to properly give consideration to the matters before it. I have pushed our system to make sure that that happens and we have come forward with a package of proposals that will be implemented. I would be very sympathetic to any members of any political persuasion who said to me they did not have enough time to give any matter proper scrutiny, and that would include Sewels. The fact that we have very little debate about it now—a lot of the controversy has gone—I have had no representations about more time since we have changed that—it does indicate that people are satisfied broadly. The particular issue with the Railways Bill was not so much us fitting in with the timing to make it easier for people down here—I do not think anyone has alleged that—I think it was the nature of the Sewel itself and the powers we were getting; and the committee were determined that they were going to do what was in the best interests of the Scottish Parliament, and I think we did a thorough and robust job on that, and I think we were right to do that. I cannot remember all the details of the Railways Bill, and maybe we could have done it over two weeks rather than one, and we should have done that if we could. There is an issue of timing about the legislation, but there always is. To get legislation through you have to say to people sometimes, "you need to decide today; you cannot take for ever to decide about this", but that does not just apply to Sewels, it applies to everyone and it applies in our parliament and yours, just to get through the work. We have made quite a lot of effort to try and make sure that people get the time they need to make the proper decision happen.

  Q35  David Mundell: You are confident the processes you have developed at the Scottish Parliament—that there is not scope for delay to be deliberately brought about so as to bring conflict with the Westminster timescale?

  Ms Curran: Yes, I think I am confident, and I have certainly had co-operation from all the political parties about that. Some political parties would disagree with the content of the Sewel and some disagree with the principle of the Sewel; but, as I say, that is becoming less and less of an issue on the floor of the chamber and indeed the committees. It is much more now about what we are doing that focuses minds. I do not know of any other examples.

  Mr Sinclair: The process is quite clear: if the parliament does not consent, then the provisions will not be included in the bill, and timing has been largely resolved, so I do not see a difficulty.

  Ms Curran: The earlier the warning you get about what the proposals are, the easier it is.

  Q36  David Mundell: In terms of the actual content of the motions, there has also been a move to make them more specific partly in relation to the issues that Danny was raising, where the parliament would be happy for the Westminster government to legislate but only within certain parameters. Do you think that will be increasingly the case, not just to legislate on the devolved area but for the legislation to be in a specific form?

  Ms Curran: Yes. I think we are attracted by Sewels, and again I think this is more than just the governing parties in Scotland; I think people can see it more broadly. We are attracted by Sewels because it feels to us as if we get the best of both worlds. We can for example improve Scots law quickly over what is sometimes a small issue. For example, allowing guide dogs into taxis in Scotland. When they proposed that at Westminster and suggested we should do it in a Sewel in Scotland, it seemed to us a perfectly rational thing to do rather than a separate bill about getting guide dogs into taxis in Scotland. That is very specific and that is tight, and we need to be very focused on what it is we are actually legislating on. Broadly speaking, the Sewels are of that nature. We are very clear about what we are legislating on. The committee is very clear about what it is legislating on and what information they need. Most of the detailed work goes on at committee stage. The committee looks at it and makes a representation to the parliament. We have had some debates on Sewel motions on the floor, but not many actually recently.

  Q37  David Mundell: You set out at the start some detail about how the inter-governmental relationship works. I was interested that you did not mention whether you had any relationship with the Leader of the House here, for example.

  Ms Curran: He is a very nice man! He has never taken it any further than that, I have to say!

  Q38  David Mundell: Is there a linkage between your department and his?

  Ms Curran: Yes, there is a formal link where we are in fairly regular contact with the Leader of the House, both at official and political level. When the Queen's Speech has been prepared for example we would have a formal role—informal role—

  Mr Sinclair: Informal— and a very close working relationship.

  Ms Curran: I think it becomes formal when we would want to inform parliament of any relevant issues for Scotland. That is something we did last year for the first time[4], just through PQ; we indicated the relevance to Scotland. To that extent, that would be how we would relate to each other.

  Q39 David Mundell: Does that relationship transcend political persuasion?

  Ms Curran: I suppose it is difficult for me to honestly answer that because just now we are members of the same party. He is a very fine upstanding Leader of the House. My job requires me to work with other political opponents in the parliament because of the nature of the parliament, and my experience is that we are managing that very effectively. When people see it is commonsense legislation we are about, then people will respect that. Obviously, we have political differences and will promote policies that people will not necessarily agree with, but my interest is to make sure that procedures are proper around that, that people have confidence around procedures and that they get opposition properly to have their place within those procedures to test and oppose appropriately. It is part of my job. I think it is in our interests to do that because you get robust legislation if you have a robust opposition as well. I think you can say they are fairly robust. I suppose the opposition people might take a different view.


1   See Ev 22. Back

2   See Ev 22. Back

3   See Ev 22. Back

4   4 See Ev 23. Back


 
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