Select Committee on Science and Technology Written Evidence


APPENDIX 3

Memorandum from Professor Nancy Cartwright, London School of Economics and Political Science

SUMMARY

  One of the questions posed concerns the mechanisms to ensure that policies are based on evidence. But is equally important to attend to the methods available for using evidence. In particular I shall briefly set out my view that there is a fundamental difficulty present in various methods that policy makers are now being urged to employ to evaluate and use evidence, particularly scientific evidence.

  I am a Professor in the London School of Economics Department of Philosophy, Logic and Scientific Method specializing in methodology of both the natural and social sciences. My most recent work concerns the nature of evidence for evidence-based policy. I am not myself ideological about any particular methods—for example I am not a Bayesian, nor an anti-Bayesian; I investigate the advantages and disadvantages of a great variety of methods, both "hard" and "soft"; and I have done special studies from the use of quantum physics to build lasers to evidence for causal connections between health and status.

  1.  It is widely claimed that evidence can be assessed in terms of certain standard, privileged techniques, such as randomized clinical trials. I believe that the privileging of these procedures as a basis for policy is a serious mistake. On the one hand these procedures are themselves fallible, especially when we have to make inferences from test situations to the real situations in which policy will be implemented. On the other hand, it ignore hosts of other relevant information, much of which we have paid dearly for through research councils and the like, and which, all-told, can point in a different direction from the privileged techniques. All methods require assumptions as inputs and in every case the output conclusion can only be as secure as the input assumptions. For different questions, what matters is to understand which input assumptions for which methods are most secure.

  2.  The use of evidence ranking systems seems to be spreading fast. I think this is badly misguided. Many of these systems suggest basing decisions on only the top-ranked evidence, if there is any such. But the best decisions are made on the basis of the total evidence. This will include a great deal of evidence not rated by most evidence-ranking systems and a great deal that may merit a low rank, which we are thus told to ignore, without consideration of the amount, the source, or the overall pattern. This includes evidence that is merely "suggestive"; results that count as evidence by the hypothetico-deductive method, which methodologists have long touted as the principle method of physics but that is despised by most ranking schemes; derivation from theory; consequences of econometric modelling; and so forth. To the contrary, it is best to look at everything, taking into account how secure each result is and how heavily it weighs for the proposal and also taking into account the overall pattern of the evidence.

  3.  There is also a movement that suggests that evidence collected by agencies, such as consultancy firms, that know nothing about the subject matter will be better since the agency will have no stake in the results. But it is widely recognized that good studies generally require huge amounts of background knowledge, deployed in subtle ways. There is a related widespread assumption that the goodness of a study can be evaluated through a formal checklist. But there is much work to show that, to the contrary, expertise and implicit knowledge and practices matter tremendously.

  4.  From a methodological perspective, there are two fundamental unresolved problems we face in using evidence for policy. First, the value of evidence cannot be checked by mechanical procedures. Second, it is wasteful to ignore any evidence—and can lead to disastrous consequences. But there are also no good mechanical procedures for combining evidence of disparate sorts, for seeing how the pieces fit into a total picture. These are difficult problems that must be dealt with using good sense and intelligence. Trying to substitute flawed mechanical procedures in a drive for "objectivity" or transparency will generally lead to flawed outcomes.

January 2006





 
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