9 Maritime terrorism
79. Numast told the Committee that 'the maritime
sector continues to be widely regarded as an 'Achilles' heel'
for security post-9/11'.[97]
We were disturbed to hear that the growing threat of piracy and
armed attack has met with a 'wholly inadequate' response from
flag states, coastal states, ship owners and the authorities according
to Numast.
80. Numast told us:
intelligence experts have repeatedly suggested that
al-Qaeda and its associates could be planning a 'maritime spectacular'
and western naval forces have been intensively involved in programmes
of interception and inspections in areas such as the Gulf and
the Mediterranean with the aim of averting such a strike.[98]
The Government rejected Numast's description of maritime
security as an 'Achilles' heel'.[99]
But the union believes that if ships continue to be 'attacked
[by pirates]' with impunity it is 'essentially an advert to
the terrorists to show the ease with which a few men armed
with just knives and guns can commandeer a ship',[100]
and that there is 'significant' evidence to show that the maritime
sector is an emerging terrorist target.
81. As evidence, Numast cited the attack on the Seabourn
Spirit cruiseship in November 2005, and other attacks on merchant
ships off Somalia; the attack on the VLCC Limburg off Yemen
in 2002; the suicide bomb attack on the USS Cole in Aden
in 2000 in which 17 sailors lost their lives; a thwarted plot
to plant a bomb on a Britanny Ferries vessel operating between
Spain and the UK; a similar plot to blow up a ferry operating
between Valencia and Majorca; and fears that hijackings, kidnappings
and the theft of documents and equipment off vessels off Indonesia
are serving as a 'dry run' for a major incident.[101]
82. Marine Impact Ltd. agreed pointing out that the
attack on the Limburg in particular 'will not have gone
unnoticed by terrorists, and predicting that another wave of such
attacks will happen in the future'.[102]
International warnings have been issued about the danger of maritime
terrorism. For example, the Egyptian Embassy in Denmark issued
a warning about a possible attack on ships passing through the
Suez Canal by elements affiliated to Al Qaeda.[103]
In 2005 there were rocket attacks on vessels in Jordan, for
which Al Qaeda has claimed responsibility.[104]
83. One general concern is that the nature and location
of attacks at sea are difficult to predict accurately. Numast
pointed out that the options for attack are so varied that you
can 'pick your permutation':
You have gas carriers which would make a very dramatic
explosion. You have the totemic value of an attack on the cruise
ship. All of those scenarios are very real. I would argue that
we have been extremely fortunate so far that we have not had a
major environmental disaster. We have had several cases of fully
laden tankers going done the Malacca Straits, the second busiest
shipping lanes in the world, with no-one at the controls because
they are all being held at gunpoint.[105]
84. Following the 9/11 attacks on the United States
there have been concerns about a so-called 'jihad at sea':[106]
'terrorist groups have come to view piracy as a potentially rich
source of funding' and that:
intelligence agencies estimate that al Qaeda and
its affiliates now own dozens of phantom ships - hijacked vessels
that have been repainted and renamed and operate under false documentation,
manned by crews with fake passports and forged competency certificates.[107]
It has been suggested that Al Qaeda was responsible
for an aborted attack on the USS The Sullivans in Yemen
in January 2000, and the suicide speedboat attack on the USS
Cole.[108]
85. These, and similar analyses,[109]
fall short of proof of a direct link between those involved in
piracy and terrorists.[110]
Marine Impact Ltd. found it 'rather surprising' that 'a number
of terrorist organisations with known maritime capabilities have
yet to fully exploit this modus operandi internationally'.[111]
However, the very fear that oceangoing vessels carrying
oil, natural gas or other hazardous cargo could be used as weapons
- in the same way that civilian aircraft were on September 11
- remains a potent concern.
UK Government's approach to maritime terrorism
86. Given the consensus about the maritime industry's
vulnerability to terrorist attack, we asked the Government to
supply specific evidence on this.[112]
87. The policy of the British Government is that
'during the initial stages of a major maritime incident involving
British interests, an act of terrorism or hijacking will be assumed
until clarification is made.'[113]
The Government applies and coordinates a 'National Maritime Security
Programme' which covers arrangements for the protection of ships
and ports.[114] Port
and ship security assessments are used by operators of ships and
port facilities to draw-up ship and port facility security plans
in accordance with security instructions issued by the Department.
88. The focal point for consultation between the
UK Government and the UK maritime industry on maritime security
is the National Maritime Security Committee which is chaired by
the Department for Transport. There are various specialised panels,
a programme of compliance inspection by the Transport Security
and Contingencies Directorate of the Department for Transport
(Transec), a variety of ad hoc meetings and participation in port
security committees, and contingency work including exercises.[115]
A working group focuses on measures to protect cruise ships.[116]
89. The Government also contributes to the establishment
of a more 'consistent security culture' world-wide thereby increasing
international resilience throughout the maritime network. The
Government hopes that when the new Protocol to the 1988 Convention
for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime
Navigation ('SUA Convention') comes into force 'it will improve
the effectiveness of international cooperation to combat terrorist
acts at sea'.[117]
90. Our evidence was that the industry broadly welcomed
the strategy adopted and some practical measures being taken by
the Government.[118]
For example, the Royal Navy's Maritime Trade Operations unit based
in Dubai was seen as a model of reassurance for the UK trading
fleet by the Chamber of Shipping.[119]
91. Piracy provides a tempting and successful
demonstration to terrorists of what can be achieved with relatively
straightforward equipment and organisation. Well organised and
determined terrorists could take control of a ship and use it
to achieve terrible ends. Dangerous cargo could be seized and
used as a weapon; the ship itself could be used as a weapon; hostages
could be taken. Operations such as that undertaken by the Royal
Navy's Maritime Trade Operations' Unit in Dubai are welcome. Consideration
needs to be given how these may be strengthened. In its response
to this report, we want the Government to tell us what further
practical steps it is taking to lessen this all too real risk.
92. We had evidence that a link between piracy
and terrorism is likely; the Government however points out that
'nothing has been proved'. This is the wrong message for the Government
to send out. The nature of terrorism is such that we are unlikely
to receive such 'proof' until it is too late and an outrage has
occurred. Warnings about terrorist activity have been received,
and alerts issued to shipping in the Suez Canal. Indeed, terrorist
attacks on ships may already have taken place in the Middle East.
Action is required now. We must get off the 'back foot'.
As a start, the Government must drop its 'nothing has been proved'
refrain.
93. We expect the Government to take the probability
of a future maritime terrorist attack with the utmost seriousness.
We do not believe that it is yet demonstrating a sufficiently
robust approach. We would have liked to see evidence of fresh
thinking and more resources deployed in a 'smarter' way being
brought to bear on this problem. We did not. Bold and extensive
practical measures in the UK and overseas, in the Middle East
and elsewhere are required to lessen the risk. There is no room
for complacency.
97 Ev 2 Back
98
Ev 2 Back
99
Q130 Back
100
Q43 Back
101
Ev 2 Back
102
Ev 39 Back
103
Ev 39 Back
104
Ev 39 Back
105
Q47 Back
106
Ali M. Koknar, 'Corsairs at Starboard: Jihad at sea', Journal
of Counterterrorism & Homeland Security International
(Vol. 11, No. 1), spring 2005 Back
107
I bid Back
108
Foreign Affairs, November/December 2004 Back
109
See also: 'Piracy and maritime terror in Southeast Asia', International
Institute for Strategic Studies, Vol. 1, issue 6, July 2004; and
'War of Terror update', Warships Magazine, October 2004 Back
110
Ev 9 Back
111
Ev 39 Back
112
Ev 30 Back
113
Ev 23 Back
114
Ev 30 Back
115
Ev 23 Back
116
Ev 30 Back
117
Ev 30. SUA will enter into force ninety days after the date on
which twelve States have either signed it without reservation
as to ratification, acceptance or approval, or have deposited
an instrument of ratification, acceptance, approval or accession
with the Secretary-General. The amended Protocol requires ratification
from three States which are also party to the SUA Convention but
it cannot come into force unless the 2005 SUA Convention is already
in force. See Annex 1 Back
118
For example, Ev 9, section 4 Back
119
Ibid Back
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