Select Committee on Treasury Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40-59)

MR MICK MCATEER, MS TERESA PERCHARD, MR MIKE BARRY AND MS CLAIRE WHYLEY

24 JANUARY 2006

  Q40  Chairman: That was a question.

  Mr McAteer: And I am not going to say that in public. But certainly our opinion would be that the banks are unwilling to let the Post Office join LINK—not because of the Post Office threat, funnily enough, but because of the potential impact then of Sainsbury's and others in joining the system. That is where they see the threat to competition. We would argue that having the Post Office join LINK would serve two public policy purposes. It would tackle financial exclusion and would probably bring more competition into the banking sector as well, so it would have a dual benefit. Could I make a point about this, because, whether or not the Post Office is the right place or whatever for tackling financial inclusion is a big question which needs to be tackled, but we should not forget that according to the Treasury's analysis 68% of excluded groups live in 10% of the postcodes around the country, so you can tackle financial inclusion if you look at the areas most affected.

  Q41  Chairman: We will get research from the Treasury on that matter. As you know, the Treasury's response to a cash machine inquiry was pretty woeful. They were "head in the sand" and I told them that. But there is an issue of public policy here. You did limited research in your submission to us.[4] Do you think that the number of free ATM black out areas is going to increase?

  Mr McAteer: Yes, we do, for a number of reasons.

  Q42  Chairman: There is a public policy element there.

  Mr McAteer: I think the public policy element is crucial. We were very disappointed in the past to hear Treasury ministers saying that the matter of ATM charges and so on was a commercial matter for the banks. Of course it is, but there is a public policy aspect to that as well, and we fear that the number of black out areas will grow. I do not think everybody is calling for a universal service obligation overnight, but the point we would make is that five years ago we had the Cruickshank review into competition in banking and Don Cruickshank himself was reported in our magazine as saying there has been lamentable progress towards the introduction of competition in the banking sector. We would argue that the Treasury now should be looking closely at some form of universal service obligation, if only in preparation for the end of this voluntary partnership approach. There is no point in waiting until the experiment is over and then doing the research into whether or not there should be a universal service obligation. We think you should be starting to look at that now, just in the expectation that the banks are not playing ball.

  Q43  Mr Love: To follow on, one of the ways you can respond to the problem that will occur through the Post Office network is to get the banks to allow the universal bank account to be cashed at post offices, and, indeed, we will ask those banks that have not allowed that so far whether they will. But one of the other ways is coming back to this issue of quality and not quantity in relation to basic bank accounts. If I could ask Claire from the National Consumer Council: you have suggested a redesign of the basic bank account that talks about counter access, small overdrafts, making the system fit with weekly budgeting cycles. Do you have any idea, recognising also from some of your earlier comments, that the banks are somewhat hacked off by the amount of money they have had to pay out for universal banking and to set up basic bank accounts? Have you made any estimate of what that redesign is likely to cost the banks? Have you had any discussion with the banks about whether they are willing to undertake a redesign along those lines?

  Ms Whyley: We have not costed it. I know the Financial Inclusion Taskforce is looking into costing out some elements that we have suggested, such as automatic payments out of an account that are triggered by credits in. They have been exploring the cost of that and what it would take to put the infrastructure in place. We have talked to some banks about it. The reluctance they express tends to focus more on whether these ideas would help people on low incomes. They say they have yet to be convinced that this is what people on low incomes want. We have not managed to get to the point of having conversations about what it would cost and how they might meet that. I think these accounts and this target group will always be problematic for the banks while they are trying to fit them into something that does not work for them. To invest in finding out what it is people want and looking at ways to deliver it would make a huge difference. I think banks have a responsibility to this group of customers. They do not just have a responsibility to customers that are profitable to them; they have a responsibility to this sector of the market as well. They spend a fortune on customer research among their profitable customers and I would like to see them do a bit more at this end of the market.

  Q44  Mr Love: I assume the NCC did some consumer research in drawing up this redesign. How do the others feel? Is that a redesign that meets with general support across the table?

  Ms Perchard: There are certainly product features that we are looking for which are quite straightforward, in terms of creating at least a small overdraft facility, a small buffer zone, like £10. When you get into looking at what is in the market, three banks do offer this as part of their basic account features. Then the debate about what it costs. Some banks have come up with an approach which does give a small overdraft facility—which might help people who are, say, within £5 of making the payments, avoid those direct debit charges. The direct debit charges for failed direct debits when there is insufficient money in the account, vary hugely, from nothing to £39. What can you do for £39? £39 is outrageous. Looking at some of the differences between individual bank accounts is quite helpful in the debate about costs because you can say "Why can they do this and you cannot?" I think we need to progress those kinds of debates. The more challenging thing is matching mainstream banking practices, mainstream utility practices (monthly direct debits to pay your utility bills) and frequent monthly payments of regular outgoings to a weekly income. That is the biggest challenge in redesign. People on the lowest incomes budget week by week, but, to gain the benefits of paying on a direct debit basis through banking and to get lower costs for goods and services, they need to be budgeting for monthly payments. We need to help people make that transition, or perhaps have product or product features which enable that to happen. The debate is about how to do that.

  Chairman: Mr Newmark, do you have one question, before we move on?

  Mr Newmark: I have so many questions I will not take up the Committee's time at this stage.

  Chairman: Thank you.

  Q45  Susan Kramer: You have talked extensively about the problem of financial exclusion. It is not merely a matter of having a bank account to receive payments and make payments; it is access to a wider range of services. I wonder if we could talk for a few minutes about access to affordable credit. From your experience, how many consumers are finding it difficult to access affordable mainstream sources of credit?

  Ms Whyley: The figure that we have is 7.8 million who are excluded from mainstream financial services. I think those figures are based on having applied and been refused a number of times. There will be a bigger population who have self-excluded but that is the most definite figure that we have.

  Q46  Susan Kramer: That is a huge number. There is perhaps some misconception that there are many people who are at the very low end who are somehow or other accessing inappropriate forms of mainstream credit. Is that another set of problems that we have to lay alongside this?

  Ms Perchard: Our evidence goes to the heart of what one means by financial inclusion or exclusion.[5] Because the Government strategy is concerned with tackling over-indebtedness, if you are genuinely excluded then perhaps you are not over-indebted in the way that many of our clients are. We come across many people who are on very low incomes and benefits who have an astonishing amount of very mainstream credit borrowing which causes them problems. There is a lack of match going on in the market between the individual, their ability to repay and the products. Backed up by the Competition Commission research on use of home credit, we have also come across people who are using home credit whom you might think are excluded from the mainstream but who have very mainstream credit cards. They have a whole range of different lending sources that they are using to manage their finances. This is not a surprise to us but things are not quite as black or white or as in or out as they might seem. People are not in or out; they have a more complex pattern of financial services than one might typically expect. That is what we have tried to illustrate in our evidence to you.

  Ms Whyley: Some research in which I was involved in the late 1990s showed that financial inclusion/exclusion is dynamic. It is not black and white. People move in and out quite frequently. The survey analysis that we did showed that there were roughly twice as many people on the margins of financial exclusion than are financially excluded at any one time. I would argue, as Teresa has said, that clearly the completely excluded is a group on which we have to focus and work with, but there is an element of exclusion which is also about being forced to use inappropriate products, which is definitely something we cannot ignore. I think we have to see it as that continuum, from having nothing to being able to access only things that are inappropriate and which cause you problems.

  Q47  Susan Kramer: If we were to look at that group which would probably be described as "completely excluded", at least from the mainstream, do you have any sense of how many of them are using the doorstep lender, the kind of tally man?

  Mr Barry: We have been doing a survey of our debt advisors recently to look at just at that issue. One of our advisors found that 72% of the people who came for debt advice, had debts to the doorstep lenders but not exclusively to the doorstep lenders. They also had mainstream bank loans and credit cards. So it definitely is a mixture of the two rather than one.

  Q48  Mr Love: You are not talking about the illegal lenders.

  Mr Barry: No, not the illegal lenders, the doorstep lenders.

  Q49  Susan Kramer: The legal doorstep lenders.

  Mr Barry: Absolutely. Provident, Greenwood, Welcome Finance and Shopper Check were the ones that we took as prime lenders.

  Q50  Susan Kramer: We have another group, as it were, who are turning to sub-prime, and, again, there is a merger of the two—people who have access to mainstream but probably inappropriately. That is another group which is working with the doorstep lenders and there is a sort of crossover between the two. Do you have any sense of people who are turning to the illegal sources? Do we have any kind of feel on how big that group is?

  Ms Whyley: The DTI is currently funding research into illegal lending which is due to report I think in June—but I am sure there will be some earlier findings than that. They are finding that it is incredibly concentrated. It is not something you can pick up on a national level at all, but my understanding is that you can identify those areas quite easily by characteristics such as the type of housing, levels of unemployment, levels of lone parenthood, for example, and then you find it is incredibly concentrated. So it will become much easier to identify and to start to extrapolate from what we know about those areas to the numbers, but I do not have that information just yet.

  Ms Perchard: There are two extremely interesting projects the DTI has run in Birmingham and Glasgow to invest in a greater level of enforcement, undercover trading standards enforcement, in deprived communities to round up illegal money lenders. Some men—they seem to be men—have gone to jail in Birmingham as a result of this more intense enforcement activity—using old legislation, the 1960s and 1970s law, not the New Consumer Credit Act stuff. It shows millions of pounds circulating in an informal and illegal economy, linked to drugs, linked to prostitution and other antisocial behaviour. That perhaps demonstrates, as part of the financial exclusion agenda, that we ought to be looking at how we can enforce consumer credit law more effectively to look after those people who are being exploited in some of these communities. You might find it really helpful to look at those projects. They are really exciting actually.

  Q51  Susan Kramer: That sounds really interesting. It would be fascinating to take a look at that. I am trying to explore a little bit the solutions, as it were, to tackling this problem. They often seem to centre around: How can we make the mainstream take all these financially excluded people and fit them into their world as well?—and there I am really talking about the sub-prime sources. I suppose my question is: Are we barking up the wrong tree? I have the sense, certainly with the legal doorstep lenders, that, even though their rates are extraordinarily high, they are being widely used because they are both trusted and convenient. So we have a set of issues there, and then, when I go and talk to the banks, they all say that if people are borrowing £200 or £20 the administrative costs alone are going to mean that they have to levy charges that are phenomenally high. Are we heading down the wrong route by constantly trying to look for a mainstream banking structure to absorb these people or do we need to be looking at different structures?

  Mr McAteer: Without going into too much detail, if you have a problem with financial exclusion there are two ways you can deal with it. You can either require the mainstream banking sector to cross-subsidise it or else you develop alternative solutions. As a general matter of policy we think it is very unlikely that you will ever be successful enough in persuading the mainstream institutions to cross-subsidise the solutions to financial exclusion, with the exception of access to mainstream banking, because there is no alternative. It is only the mainstream banks who have the infrastructure to deliver general banking services. In other areas, like access to affordable credit, then we think the only solution is to promote alternative solutions like credit unions and so on. So I think you are absolutely right on that point.

  Ms Whyley: It is another of those issues that is not black and white. I think we are barking up the wrong tree if we want mainstream to open its arms and welcome all these customers; however, I think there are more ways that the mainstream can get involved than directly offering products to those people. I feel quite strongly that creating alternative solutions which just create divisions and which might be quite difficult for people to move between is not the solution. I think we need to be building a series of stepping stones so that, if people want to, they can move into the mainstream and out of it as they see fit. I do not think that solution that collects people completely separately is the right one. Certainly I do not think it is what people who are financially excluded would want. I think they want the option of getting into the mainstream if that is appropriate. There are lots of ways that the mainstream can get involved, not least because they have the scale and the coverage that the alternative sector just does not have and is not even going to aspire to for decades probably. They have very minor coverage in this country and I think we have to be realistic about what they can deliver. That is why I think it is crucial that the mainstream remains involved even if they are not the people directly offering products to people who are financial excluded.

  Ms Perchard: Some of the key things that make home credit very attractive to people are: the small amount of weekly payments (affordable for someone on a low income); how much they are paying back each week, not what the total cost of the borrowing actually is, which is beyond most of us; and the fact that you can skip a week and it does not cost you any more, but it helps with budgeting because of the flexibility of the personal service—all things you do not find in the mainstream. A bank wants to lend you no less than a thousand pounds or give you a credit card with a limit of at least that to start you off, not two hundred, which may be exactly what people who are newly joining the banking system and who are on a low income need as a budgeting aid. This is a really challenging question about where the supply of affordable credit is going to come from. Is it from the market or the state or from a mixture of those things? Will the contribution from the Financial Inclusion Fund to growing third sector lenders actually address that huge number of people that Claire has identified as being outside the mainstream. At only £36 million in the growth fund from the DWP, I doubt it. Over at the DWP they are spending about £500 million a year, which is coming back in recoveries in Social Fund loans, and so we need to talk about the Government's role here and about making the Social Fund expenditure—

  Chairman: We have some questions on the Social Fund. The issue of joint approach is important. Susan and I went to an event last week with community institutions, Lloyd's Bank in particular, so I take the point you are making here. I think there are steps to financial inclusion with mainstreaming.

  Q52  Mr Mudie: Another doubtful New Labour initiative is this business of giving private lenders deduction rights off benefits. I would just like to ask, and maybe you cannot do it, but it would be good for the Committee to get a feel for the amounts—this is the Citizens Advice Bureau. This is you again, Teresa. You mention amounts?

  Ms Perchard: Yes.

  Q53  Mr Mudie: Say there is a person on benefit, a single person in their thirties on income support, how much can be taken at the moment as a maximum figure? What is their benefit and how much can be taken by deductions for arrears from the five main lenders?

  Ms Perchard: There is an amount per debt which is a percentage of weekly income support (JSA) for an adult.

  Q54  Mr Mudie: There is £2.80 mentioned here?

  Ms Perchard: Yes.

  Q55  Mr Mudie: Is that £2.80 per debt?

  Ms Perchard: Yes.

  Q56  Mr Mudie: Does that hit the £8.40 maximum?

  Ms Perchard: The Social Fund loan repayments are another matter, so that may be much larger, and this is towards the debt as well. This scheme of direct payments, which has been running for a very long time, is essentially designed to safeguard essential supplies to stop people losing their home or losing their fuel or water. The way it works is that the utility will get an amount paid out of the benefit towards the debt but they will also have an amount out for the current consumption estimate. But then there is a cap on the total amount that can come out of anybody's benefit towards the debt, which, as we have mentioned, is the £8.40 a week. There is a priority order as well, so that debts are included in the direct payment scheme in order of priority. Our feeling about this is it is a fairly marginal initiative. The idea is that if your third sector lender—credit union or community development finance institution will perhaps be more prepared to lend to someone on benefits knowing that they could recover their debt through a direct payment from benefit. The reality of that might be quite different with the scheme as it stands, because there are other debts that will come out before that debt, which is a discretionary debt, and, in addition, the total cost of creating the system to be able to make the payments is about £10 million. What we have been saying is: has not the time come to look properly at the system of direct payments from benefit, to look at the amounts that can come out for any debt and to look at how to create a better scheme, rather than simply adding another debt on the list which may not improve access to affordable credit, which is the policy intention.

  Q57  Mr Mudie: Is there any intention the cap will be raised—the £8.40—with this input to the private sector?

  Ms Perchard: I am not aware that is DWP's intention.

  Q58  Mr Mudie: Secondly, can you give us the benefit level for a 30-year old single parent on income support? What would it be?

  Mr Barry: Fifty-six pounds twenty per week at the moment for a single person, thirty years old on income support.

  Q59  Mr Mudie: So he can lose £8.40 in terms of attachments to benefit?

  Ms Perchard: Towards debts.


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