Select Committee on Treasury Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by ippr north

SUMMARY

1.   Introduction

  Disparities in access to the mainstream financial system (financial exclusion) have become a concern for both government and wider society in modern day Britain. However, rarely have the gendered consequences of financial exclusion been considered and visibly incorporated within policy developments. This submission highlights how women and their attendant household management roles and responsibilities, particularly within low-income households, mean that women are not only more likely to be financially excluded but has important implications for participative financial inclusion policy.

i.   Linking access to banking services to wider participation within the financial system.

  Access to basic banking services, due to their wide-scale introduction through welfare support, is likely to be feminised. This has particular implications for women's situation at the lowest levels of financial inclusion within the mainstream financial system and their potential vertical and horizontal movement, for example access to other financial services that will benefit both women and those individuals whose welfare is dependent of the women's financial behaviour and access to financial products.

ii.   Raising access to affordable credit by women.

  Women often take on debt commitments and these are often to meet immediate/short term needs, usually related to their caring roles. Access to credit is a prerequisite for many households budgeting decisions, affordability based on repayment costs rather than interest rates, as choice of regulated affordable credit provider was rarely a feature of such decisions.

iii.   Financial capability is more often possessed than resources.

  Women, through long-standing and prevailing gender role expectations, possess considerable financial knowledge and capabilities, which should be recognised. The "success" of their capabilities are hindered often through a lack of financial resources/income rather that practical financial capability.

iv.   Recognition of the gendered opportunities and incentives for saving.

  Saving is important for future financial security. However, while this is recognised by many individuals in low-income households or difficult financial situations active saving is not feasible. In addition, savings behaviour is often influenced by cultural expectations of what savings should provide, thus within traditional communities the expectation for many women was that their savings would meet family and household short-term needs rather than considering longer time horizons, which some felt was not relevant to them and so placed emphasis on helping children. Thus, the rollout of savings gateway could help many women and households in the short term but also longer time horizons may be considered in women's financial strategies. However, compulsion should be avoided in the savings gateway, as this could enhance women's poverty when many are faced with urgent spending priorities in the present.

1.  INTRODUCTION TO THE SUBMISSION: PROMOTING WOMEN'S FINANCIAL INCLUSION

  1.1  The female face of financial exclusion is illustrated by the following figures:

    —  Women are less likely than men to have a current bank account (79%, compared with 83% (Graham and Warren, 2001).

    —  The gender difference is more pronounced when we consider women's diversity. For example, among Bangladeshis, women are twice as likely as men to access no financial products, 31% compared with 14% (Graham and Warren, 2001).

    —  Financial exclusion is most likely in households headed by a person in a full time caring role. Research has shown that only 22% of lone parents save regularly, in comparison to 47% of couples with children (Barnes et al., 2004). Moreover, 55% of lone parents have no savings at all, compared to only 20% of couple families (Middleton, 2002).

    —  In addition, women and men prioritise differently how and why they save and spend their money. For example, it has been found that women are more likely to spend money on their children than men (Rosenblatt and Rake, 2003).

1.2  About the submission

  The submission is based on original research undertaken by Dr Jane Midgley during 2000-03, involving an analysis of intra-household financial behaviour drawn from the British Household Panel Survey (1990-2000) and interviews conducted with women possessing varied demographic and socio-economic circumstances and backgrounds within the Northumberland Rural Coalfield (Midgley, 2004), and subsequent research and analysis on the topic of financial inclusion.

  This submission highlights four priorities for the Committee's inquiry:

    i.  Linking access to banking services to wider participation within the financial system.

    ii.  Raising access to affordable credit by women.

    iii.  Financial capability is more often possessed than resources.

    iv.  Recognition of the gendered opportunities and incentives for saving.

2.  LINKING ACCESS TO BANKING SERVICES TO WIDER PARTICIPATION WITHIN THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM

  2.1  The introduction of basic bank accounts has been an important mechanism for bringing individuals into the financial mainstream. However, the operation of basic bank accounts and wider participation within the financial system needs further policy attention, particularly with regard to gender and within household behaviour.

  2.2  The use of basic bank accounts is likely to be feminised, even though no data is in the public domain, it is likely that the majority of basic bank account owners will be female based on the numbers of women in vulnerable financial positions, whether through reliance on welfare payments (such as the elderly or lone parents) due to care responsibilities and current or historic formal labour market disengagement, the recent recruitment of individuals to basic bank accounts following welfare payment modernisation, or requiring banking products following relationship breakdown when access to financial services may have been secured through joint product ownership which is no longer tenable (Midgley 2004).

  2.3  Increased access to banking services for women provided by basic banking products is important and should be recognised. However, the potentially gendered nature of basic banking product ownership and the implications for women's vertical and horizontal progression within the financial system should receive greater policy attention.

  2.3.i  The possible long-term nature of basic bank account ownership and the limited likelihood of `migration' to more inclusive banking holds important consequences for access to, and use of, other mainstream financial products, as current account ownership is recognised as the gateway to inclusion (Office of Fair Trading, 1999). Many women who possess basic bank accounts and who due to caring responsibilities may not be formally engaged in the labour market or may work part-time, in insecure positions for the minimum wage subject to what benefit guidelines permit, may lack attributes required to progress to more inclusive banking products.

  2.3.ii  The gendered nature of basic bank account ownership and the opportunity to progress to more fully featured banking products or wider financial products is important given the traditional and highly gendered responsibility for household budget management normally lies with women, particularly within low-income households, whether single adult or couple households (Goode et al., 1998; Midgley 2004). As such the ability to access other financial products, such as affordable credit, even on a basic level, is important for the welfare of other household members.

RECOMMENDATION:

  That consideration to increase women's access to a wider suite of financial products to assist their participation and inclusion within the financial mainstream.

3.  RAISING ACCESS TO AFFORDABLE CREDIT BY WOMEN

  3.1  The research revealed that regardless of household type most debt commitments were undertaken on a sole basis, with higher proportions of women taking on debt commitments.

  3.1.i  Women in more vulnerable financial positions, including those within couple households, frequently used more informal and costly forms of credit (such as, catalogues, door to door credit) to meet what were often short-term needs. This continued traditional gender roles and patterns of women's household budgeting and short-term credit use, particularly in areas such as rural coalfields where incomes had been historically variable.

  3.1.ii  The decision to use credit was made on the availability of credit, particularly the convenience of door to door sources, and the cost to their budgeting cycle for the household. Knowledge of the "cost" involved in using the more informal credit sources was highly evident, yet women did not have

RECOMMENDATION:

  Consideration be given to enable affordable and regulated credit to be offered on a "basic" level by or through mainstream financial institutions for small short-term loans.

4.  FINANCIAL CAPABILITY IS MORE OFTEN POSSESSED THAN RESOURCES

  4.1  Many women in low-income households with responsibility for household budgeting exhibited great capacity for budgeting, utilising a small and finite amount of money to provide the basic necessities for themselves and others. Skills and practices are frequently picked up from observation, if not from direct introduction, from mothers' behaviour and expectation of female responsibility for household budgeting within low-income households where traditional gender roles prevail.

  4.2  Due to the dependence placed on women's budgeting skills women are often ready to recognise financial difficulty and take actions to remedy this, for example approaching creditors to develop a debt repayment schedule rather than risk losing that credit source. Thus, knowledge of providers and availability of financial advice, whether debt management or greater familiarity with mainstream services providers is of continuing importance.

  4.3  In many cases it is not limited financial capacity or budgeting skills that affects women's financial inclusion but rather the limited financial resources that they possess in order for "successful" budgeting, the level of state support being a different but still related matter. As a consequence policy developments aimed at engaging with individuals responsible for meeting their household's needs should recognise the capacities of those financially marginalized rather than assuming limited financial inclusion equates to limited financial capacity.

RECOMMENDATION:

  That the government, FSA and other institutions recognise the in many instances it is the limited resources of women that affect their financial marginalisation and in turn their capacity to participate more inclusively within the financial system, rather than lack of financial capability.

5.  RECOGNITION OF THE GENDERED OPPORTUNITIES AND INCENTIVES FOR SAVING

  5.1  The research revealed that most individuals, regardless of level of financial inclusion, did not actively save, even though savings accounts may have been possessed.

  5.2  Individuals who were in difficult or vulnerable financial situations did not save.

  5.3  Limited incentives for saving were found based on the current structure of means tested welfare support.

  5.4  A gendered variation in savings behaviour was observed which holds potential implications for individual's financial strategies.

  5.4.i  Many women did not actively save from their current income. Moreover, those women that possessed saving accounts (regardless of whether they were actively saving or not, or their household type) did not save with a long-term strategy or time horizon in mind, instead they were more concerned with saving for shorter-term needs, often family or household related. This holds important consequences for a general inequality between women and men with regard to long-term financial security based on their saving motivations but also the reproduction of perceived financial responsibilities, which limits women's role to spending on children/immediate household needs (as mentioned above).

  5.4.ii  The short-term saving focus was often more extreme in the instances of women who were lone-parents and possessing low-incomes. Despite aspirations for themselves, they also stated that their futures were limited and so focused their financial strategies to benefit their children.

  5.4.iii  The foregoing suggests the potential that a national rollout of the savings gateway may have for both enabling longer term financial strategies to be contemplated and encouraged, however appropriate levels will have to be set to encourage active savings behaviour so returns can be anticipated.

  5.5  However, we urge government to refrain from having compulsion on low-income earners to save for the future, when they have urgent spending priorities in the present.

RECOMMENDATION:

  That the government recognise a desire to save but that in many instances women, and particularly those on low-incomes, face competing pressures for the use of limited resources, often based on short-term welfare decisions of the household.

6.  CONCLUSION:

  The importance of recognising and emphasising women's financial inclusion has been highlighted. Greater attention should be paid to encouraging greater participation of women in the financial mainstream: horizontally through greater access to affordable credit and other products and vertically through encouraging individual transitions to more inclusive current accounts and encouraging financial institutions to assist in making these transitions possible. This has important implications for the wider welfare of those who are dependent on women's financial responsibilities and actions.

January 2006

REFERENCES:

  Barnes M, et al. (2004) Families and Children in Britain: Findings from the 2002 Families and Children Study. Department for Work and Pensions, London.

  Goode J, Callender C and Lister R (1998) Purse or wallet? Gender inequalities and income distribution within families on benefits. Policy Studies Institute/Joseph Rowntree Foundation, London.

  Graham M and Warren R (2001) Women and personal finance: the reality of the gender gap, Financial Services Authority, Consumer Research Report No. 7. FSA, London.

  Middleton S (2002) How People on Low Incomes Manage Their Finances. ESRC, Swindon.

  Midgley JL (2005) Financial inclusion, universal banking and post offices in Britain, Area 37(3): 277-285.

  Midgley JL (2004) The dynamics of access to the financial system: a study of rural women in the north of England. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne.

  Office of Fair Trading (1999) Vulnerable consumers and financial services: The report of the Director General's Inquiry, Report No.255. OFT, London.

  Rosenblatt and Rake K (2003) Gender and Poverty. Fawcett Society, London.





 
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